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The stock market has lately soured on the technology industry. Stock prices of many of the largest companies are down this year, some slightly—shares of Apple and Google have fallen more than 6 percent—and some stupendously: Facebook’s parent company, Meta, and Netflix have lost about a third of their value since the New Year. Because surging tech stocks drove a big part of the stock market’s rise in 2021, their decline has contributed much to the market’s fall, The S & P 500 is down by about 7 percent in 2022.It’s obvious why investors are spooked. Omicron, inflation likely interest rate hikes, a possible war in Europe, Canadians acting very un-Canadianly—unpredictable forces have taken hold of the global economy, so it’s not unreasonable to expect trouble ahead for some of the largest companies in the world.But in the last few weeks, as corporations announced their financial performance for the final months of 2021, it is hard to focus on what might now go wrong for the tech industry. Amazon, Apple, Google and Microsoft—the four American companies now worth more than a trillion dollars each (actually, Microsoft is above $2 trillion, and Apple nearly $3 trillion)—reported enviable growth in 2021. Even Facebook’s disappointing earnings were relative. The company’s profits grew by 35 percent in 2021 down from nearly 60 percent growth in 2020.So the much bigger story is than after all that has gone right during the pandemic for the largest companies in tech, they now seem poised to expand their teach and influence over the rest of the economy, rather than relinquish it. Perhaps it’s not very surprising that the largest tech companies did really well during a pandemic that had a lot of us spending lots more time with technology. Yet the scale of their growth is staggering.Companies of the size are just not supposed to grow as quickly as they have. For years, pundits have been predicting that tech giants would eventually run up against the so-called “law of large numbers”. Yet Big Tech keeps breaking the law.What’s driving tech giants’ stupefying growth? It’s not just that the pandemic drove a lot more usage of tech. A bigger deal is that the pandemic illustrated how much room there still is in our lives for adding even more tech—for our screens to become the primary portal through which a handful of companies capture a slice of everything we do.You see a similar trend across the industry—Big Tech’s not just getting more customers for its traditional businesses, but is expanding its ancillary businesses in ways that seem impossible.1. What do we learn about the stock market?2. The stock market soured on largest tech companies because of ________.3. What does corporations’ financial performance tell us?4. What does the “bigger story” tell us about the largest companies?5. Which of the following is driving tech giants’ growth?

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What if globally designed products could radically change how we work, produce and consume? Several examples across continents show the way we are producing and consuming goods could be improved by relying on globally shared digital resources, such as design knowledge and software.Imagine an artificial hand designed by geographically dispersed communities of scientists, designers and enthusiasts in a collaborative manner via the web. All knowledge and software related to the hand is shared globally.People from all over the world who are connected online and have access to local manufacturing machines (from 3D printing and Computer Numerical Control machines to low-tech crafts and tools) can, ideally with the help of all expert, manufacture a customized hand.There are no patent costs to pay for. Less transportation of materials is needed, since a considerable part of the manufacturing takes place locally, maintenance is easier, products are designed to last as long as possible, and costs are thus much lower.Here is an example. Small-scale farmers in France need agricultural machines to support their work. Big companies rarely produce machines specifically for small-scale farmers. And if they do, the maintenance costs are high and the farmers have to adjust their farming techniques to the logic of the machines. Technology, after all, is not neutral.So the farmers decide to design the agricultural machines themselves. They produce machines to accommodate their needs and not to sell them for a price on the market. They share their designs with the world. Small-scales farmers from the US share similar needs their French counterparts. They do the same. After a while, the two communities start to talk to each other and create synergies. With our colleagues, we have been exploring the contours of an emerging mode of production that builds on the confluence of the digital commons of knowledge, software, and design with local manufacturing technologies.We call this model “design global, manufacture local” and argue that it could lead to sustainable and inclusive forms of production and consumption. It follows the logic that what is light (knowledge, design) becomes global while what a heavy (manufacturing) is local, and ideally shared.When knowledge is shared, materials tend to travel less and people collaborate driven by diverse motives. The profit motive is not totally absent, but it is peripheral.1. According to the passage, what can be globally shared in a digital way?2. Why is “an artificial hand” mentions in Paragraph 2?3. What benefit will the new way of production bring to products?4. What does the author imply by saying that “Technology, after all, is not neutral”?5. What would the model “design global, manufacture local” lead to?

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The Gilded Age dawned at the end of the Civil War. As railroads raced to connect the country, robber barons amassed fortunes in unregulated industries like oil and steel. Mark Twain coined the term “Gilded Age” in a novel satirizing the corruption that lay behind the new prosperity. The name struck, but the good times didn’t: As Gilded Age mansions like the Breakers in Newport and the Biltmore in Asheville rose, so, too, did discontent over rampant income inequality. The Gilded Age came crashing down with the Panic of 1893, which set off an economic depression that ushered in the sweeping reforms of the Progressive Era. Here are four reasons, among others, the Gilded Age come to a close.The Panic of 1893The Panic of 1893 was a depression set off by the failure of two of the largest employers in the country: The Philadelphia and Reading Railroad and the National Cordage Company. The stock market plummeted as businesses that had borrowed heavily to invest in railroads went bankrupt. The value of crops in the American South and West fell. Unemployment rose as high as 19 percent. The crash threw the power of the wealthy—and the powerlessness of labor—into stark relief. The Panic of 1893 showed that this notion of a laissez-faire, unregulated economy was not working. If never worked for the poor, but it took the panic for the idea to hit the middle class, who had the most to lose.Muckrakers Expose CorruptionMuckrakers were journalists who exposed corrupt politicians and businesses. In some cases, their work led to reform. Ida Tarbell’s expose of John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Company led to a U.S. Supreme court case that found it violated the Sherman Antitrust Act. Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle, a novel revealing the rotten side of the meat industry in Chicago, led to the 1906 passage of the Pure Food and Drug Act and the Meat Inspection Act. Muckrakers sensationalized an already growing discontent with the power that corporations were exercising.PopulismPopulism advocated for shorter workdays, a graduated income tax, and government ownership of commodities like railroads and telephones. They were largely farmers fed up with government favoritism of big business. During the Second Industrial Revolution, inventions like electricity and the rise of factories and railroads led to an unprecedented migration of goods and people to cities. By 1900, 30 percent of the U.S. population lived in urban areas. Farmers grew dependent on railroads to transport their wares, meaning railroad executives controlled both access to markets and prices. Many farmers wanted to increase the cost of their goods by basing U.S. currency on not just gold, but silver, which was more abundant. Silverism was a major topic in the Election of 1896, when Republican William McKinley faced off against Democratic rising star William Jennings Bryan. Bryan was catapulted to the spotlight after a speech at the Democratic Convention denouncing the gold standard as a “Cross of Gold” the working man was forced to bear. While Bryan lost, he gave voice to many who felt left out of Gilded Age prosperity.Progressive Era ReformsProgressive believed that the task of righting society’s ills lay with the government not private citizens. The rise of big business and its power and influence had never been soon before in the world. Progressive laws and social reforms movements were part of creating a new language to understand and shape it. While titans of industry like Andrew Carnegie, J.P. Morgan and John D. Rockefeller grew lavish fortunes 40 percent of industrial laborers in the 1880s had incomes below the poverty line. Progressives pushed for worker’s rights and housing and sanitation reforms. They supported expanding voting rights and women’s suffrage to limit the ability of corporations to buy power through bribes, kickbacks and graft.Gilded Age technology and wealth transformed America into a world power but left wealth in the hands of a few. Progressive Era reforms expanded the government to ensure, in Theodore Roosevelt’s words, a “square deal” for all.1. What do we learn about the Gilded Age?2. Which of the following statements is true about the Panic of 1893?3. Why was Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle mentioned in the passage?4. What did populists advocate for?5. What do we learn about the progressives?

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There are two essentials for staging a Winter Olympics—snow and rice. Old Man Winter can be fickle, however, and mild temperatures and a lack of snow have threatened to detail the Winter Games multiple times, particularly before the advent of climate-controlled arenas and artificial snow.Weather challenges at the Winter Olympics have a history nearly as old as the sporting spectacle itself. On Valentine’s Day in 1928, a freak blast of summer-like heat that could have melted a box of chocolates—let alone snow—stuck. St. Moritz, Switzerland, and wreaked havoc with the second Winter Games.Temperatures hovered near the freezing mark when the 50-kilometer cross-country skiing race started at 8 a.m., but within an hour, a hot wind known as the föhn blew down from the Alps. The strong southerlies sent temperatures soaring to 77 Fahrenheit degrees in the sun. The föhn, which had never arrived that early in winter, turned the cross country event into a slushy slog and one of the slowest races in skiing history. Conditions compelled more than one-quarter of the skiers to quit and Sweden’s Per Erik Hedlund won in a time more than an hour slower than that of the 1924 gold medalist.The 1932 Winter Olympics in Lake Placid, New York, had its own weather issues. Locals believed a heavy snowfall in early November 1931 to be a good omen. It turned out to be a tease. The winter delivered an unprecedented lack of snow in December and January, and temperatures even topped 50 degrees on some days. For the first time in its 137-year history, the New York state weather bureau reported that the Hudson River had not frozen over.The Winter Olympics returned to the United States in 1960 after Squaw Valley, California, representatives snowed the International Olympic Committee with the false claim that 35 feet of snow fell in the remote Sierra Nevada outpost every winter. With just weeks to go before the start of the Games, however, the winter had believed California sun, but no snow.Walt Disney, who served as pageantry chairman of the 1960 Winter Olympics and opening ceremony producer, was among the organizers concerned that Squaw Valley was anything but snow white. After hiring 10 native Paiutes to perform a ceremonial snow dance, clouds appeared—but brought only rain.Disney next turned to meteorologist Irving Krick, who began his weather career providing long-range predictions to movie studios setting location schedules before joining the team of forecasters who advised Allied Supreme Commander Dwight D. Eisenhower to delay D-Day from the target date of June 5, 1944.Krick boasted that not only could he forecast the weather, but he could change it as well by seeding clouds with silver iodine. When clouds appeared around Squaw Valley less than six weeks before the start of the Games, Krick fired up 20 cloud-seeding generators. Whether it was coincidence or not, days later three feet of snow fell on Squaw Valley with seven feet in the mountains.Snow remained a concern on the morning of the opening ceremony—but this time due to too much of it. Squaw Valley awoke to a raging Sierra Nevada blizzard that snarled traffic and delayed the arrival of Vice President Richard Nixon to open the Games. The near zero visibility meant that Americans tuning in to the live broadcast would see nothing of Disneyland’s production.In a scene that could have been ripped from a Disney fairy tale, however, the snow stopped and the sun broke through just as the fine holder for Greece entered the Olympic stadium to lead the parade of athletes. As soon as the ceremony ended, the snow resumed. The press dubbed the fortuitous timing the “Miracle of Squaw Valley”.1. In Paragraph 1, which is one of the threats facing a Winter Olympics?2. What do we learn about the föhn?3. Which of the following statements is true about the 1932 Winter Olympics in New York?4. In Paragraph 5, “snowed” most nearly means ________.5. Which of the following statements is true about Irving Krick?

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(1) Narratives permeate all facets of human life. We tell stories to teach cultural norms, to entertain, and to help create shared perspectives. We construct stories to make meaning out of past events and to create new worlds and possibilities for ourselves and others. The creation of narratives is a fundamental human behavior that spans recorded history.(2) Narrative theorists, philosophers, literary scholars, linguists, and countless other disciplines have long attempted to identify the quintessential properties of narratives. Among them, there is a general consensus that narratives typically follow a predefined path that includes a beginning, middle, and end. Such theoretical frameworks primarily invoke the notion that the broad-brush, characteristics of a story provide a narrative’s structure while granting the possibility of infinite variations on the specific content around this structure. Put another way, most narrative frameworks assume that the structure and content of stories are independent—for example, two mystery novels need not have the same characters or settings to have similar plot dynamics.(3) A recent study reported an analysis of over 1,700 digitized novels and other texts, where common emotional peaks and valleys were systematically quantified and clustered. In total, the researchers identified six common affective trajectories (i.e., “emotional arcs”) that emerged from stories, each corresponding to different plot archetypes. For example, a consistent rise in positive emotion words over the course of a story was indicative of a “rags-to-riches” storyline, whereas a decline in positive emotion words was indicative of tragedy.(4) The research on emotional arcs raises broader questions about narrative structure. Narratives are much more than affective experiences—they are presented in such a way as to support information about the characters, conflict and resolution, and various other story-specific features. The 19th century scholar Gustav Freytag famously depicted several narrative elements as points on a generalized narrative arc [commonly referred to as the “dramatic arc”]. Freytag argued that exposition, or the building of the story's scene, laid the groundwork for a narrative’s structure. As a story moves forward, action between characters increases and, ultimately, peaks at the top of the narrative arc: the story’s climax. Subsequently, a decline in conflict prompts characters to transition toward the denouement or the resolution. Freytag described these narrative elements as something akin to specific events within a story—relatively discrete destinations that appear at fixed points in a narrative.(5) At its essence, Freytag’s framework suggests three primary processes in the unfolding of a story. The first is the narrator setting the stage and establishing the context for the story. Once the elements of the story are established, plot progression begins through the movement of characters across time and space with increasing interactions among them. Moreover, the focal point of a story is the central conflict or cognitive tension that the characters must grapple with and ultimately resolve. Freytag, of course, is not the only person to identify these three elements. Anstotle, for example, hypothesized that these narrative elements were strung together by storytellers to maintain the audience’s engagement and memory of stories. A frustration of modern literary and social scholars, however, has been the difficulty of objectively and reliably quantifying the narrative process across a wide array of stories.(6) In the study of narrative, then, function words should serve as valuable markers of a story’s progression. When a story begins, the author and the reader are strangers. To set up the story, the reader needs a great deal of contextual information: Who are the characters? What are the relationships among them? When and where is the story taking place? At the beginning, then, the author must signal concrete labels, names, and other identifying clues for the characters, places, and objects in the story; importantly, the author must also connect these dots by elaborating on their interrelations. In providing the necessary background, the author must necessarily use high rates of prepositions and articles (the mansion was next to the lake, below a bluff, by the road)—words that are inherently information-structural. Once the reader becomes familiar with the context, the author can later refer to the mansion as “it” or “her home” or perhaps not at all. Once the plot gets moving, there should be a large increase in pronouns, auxiliary verbs, and other function words and a corresponding drop in articles and prepositions.56. Which of the following is the general consensus about according to Para. 2?A. Structure of narrative.B. Emotions in narrative.C. Language style of narrative.D. Thematic topic of narrative.57. Which of the following is correct about the “dramatic arc” in Para. 4 according to Gustav Freytag?A. Narrative elements are the same as specific events in a narrative.B. Different narrative elements occur at specific points in a narrative.C. The dramatic arc is made of fixed points in a narrative.D. Emotional arcs are closely related to the dramatic arc in a narrative.58. According to the passage, how is Aristotle’s idea different from that of Freytag’s?A. Aristotle focuses on the relationship between storyteller and audience.B. Aristotle developed the theory of narrative much earlier than Freytag.C. Aristotle has frustrated many scholars by his idea of narrative process.D. Aristotle does not recognize the importance of the three narrative processes.59. How do function words help with narrative according to the passage according to the passage?A. To set up the story.B. To push the storyline.C. To signal relationship.D. To provide names and clues.60. According to the passage, what is the author supposed to do in the beginning of a story? A. To introduce himself/herself.B. To provide basic information.C. To use many pronouns and verbs.D. To clarify characters’ relationships.

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