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It is all very well to blame traffic jams, the cost of petrol and the quick pace of modern life, but manners on the roads are becoming horrible. Everybody knows that the nicest men become monsters behind the wheel. It is all very well, again, to have a tiger in the tank, but to have one in the driver’s seat is another matter altogether. You might tolerate the odd road-hog, the rude and inconsiderate driver, but nowadays the well- mannered motorist is the exception to the rule. Perhaps the situation calls for a “Be Kind to Other Drivers” campaign, otherwise it may get completely out of hand.Road politeness is not only good manners, but good sense too. It takes the most cool-headed and good- tempered of drivers to resist the temptation to revenge when subjected to uncivilized behavior. On the other hand, a little politeness goes a long way towards relieving the tensions of motoring. A friendly nod or a wave of acknowledgement in response to an act of politeness helps to create an atmosphere of goodwill and tolerance so necessary in modern traffic conditions. But such acknowledgements of politeness are all too rare today. Many drivers nowadays don’t even seem able to recognize politeness when they see it.However, misplaced politeness can also be dangerous. Typical examples are the driver who brakes violently to allow a car to emerge from a side street at some hazard to following traffic, when a few seconds later the road would be clear anyway; or the man who waves a child across a zebra crossing into the part of oncoming vehicles that may be unable to stop in time. The same goes for encouraging old ladies to cross the road wherever and whenever they care to. It always amazes me that the highways are not covered with the dead bodies of these grannies. A veteran driver, whose manners are faultless, told me it would help if motorists learnt to filter correctly into traffic streams once at a time without causing the total blockages that give rise to bad temper. Unfortunately, modern motorists can’t even learn to drive, let alone master the subtler aspects of roadsmanship. Years ago the experts warned us that the car-owner-ship explosion would demand a lot more give-and-take from all road users. It is high time for all of us to take this message to heart.1. According to this passage, troubles on the road are primarily caused by(  ).2. The sentence “You might tolerate the odd road-hog, the rule...”(Para l)implies that(  ).3. By “good sense”(Line 1, Para 2), the writer means(  ).4. Experts have long pointed out that in the face of car-ownership explosion, (  ).5. In the writer’s opinion(  ).

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Some recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheritors of some of the viewpoints of early twentieth-century. Progressive historians such as Beard and Becker, these recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation.The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict? Certainly not by the side a person supported. Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption that Loyalists represented an upper class, new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic classes. (It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to-do joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebel side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels. Indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts. Where it did not, the disputing rebels of one or another class usually became Loyalists. Loyalism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth-century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluid-though recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed-that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like “the better sort”. Despite these vague categories, one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed. Outside of New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism.Having said this, however, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. “The Paxton Boys” incident and the Regulator movement are representative examples of the widespread, and justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interests. Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical. Sectional conflict-which also existed between North and South-deserves further investigation.In summary, historians must be careful about the kind of conflict they emphasize in eighteenth-century America. Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus among the colonists cannot fully understand that consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.1. The author suggests which of the following about the representativeness of colonial or state governments in America from 1763 to 1789?2. According to the passage, which of the following is a true statement about sectional conflicts in America between 1763 and 1789?3. It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding socioeconomic class and support for the rebel and Loyalist causes during the American Revolutionary War?4. The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with which of the following statements about the social structure of eighteenth-century American society?I. It allowed greater economic opportunity than it did social mobility.II. It permitted greater economic opportunity prior to 1750 than after 1750.III. It did not contain rigidly defined socioeconomic divisions.IV. It prevented economic disputes from arising among members of the society.5. The author most likely refers to “historians such as Beard and Becker” (lines 5-6) in order to____.

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The establishment of the Third Reich influenced events in American history by starting a chain of events which culminated in war between Germany and the United States. The compete destruction of democracy, the persecution of Jews, the war on religion, the cruelty and barbarism of the Nazis, and especially the plans of Germany and her allies, Italy and Japan, for world conquest caused great indignation in this country and brought on fear of another world war.While speaking out against Hitler’s atrocities, the American people generally favored isolationist policies and neutrality.The Neutrality Acts of 1935 and 1936 prohibited trade with any belligerents or loans to them. In 1937 the President was empowered to declare an arms embargo in wars between nations at his discretion.American opinion began to change somewhat after President Roosevelt’s “quarantine the aggressor” speech at Chicago (1937) in which he severely criticized Hitler’s policies. Germany’s seizure of Austria and the Munich Pact for the partition of Czechoslovakia (1938) also aroused the American people.The conquest of Czechoslovakia in March, 1939 was another rude awakening to the menace of the Third Reich. In August, 1939 came the shock of the Nazi-soviet Pact and in September the attack on Poland and the outbreak of European war.The United States attempted to maintain neutrality in spite of sympathy for the democracies arrayed against the Third Reich. The Neutrality Act of 1939 repealed the arms embargo and permitted “cash and carry” exports of arms to belligerent nations. A strong national defense program was begun.A draft act was passed (1940) to strengthen the military services. A Lend Act (1941) authorized the President to sell, exchange, or lend materials to any country deemed necessary by him for the defense of the United States. Help was given to Britain by exchanging certain overage destroyers for the right to establish American bases in British territory in the Western Hemisphere. In August, 1940 President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill met and issued the Atlantic Charter which proclaimed the kind of a world which should be established after the war. In December, 1941, Japan launched the unprovoked attack on the United States at Pearl Harbor. Immediately thereafter, Germany declared war on the United States.1. One item occurring before 1937 that the author does not mention in his list of actions that alienated the American public was_____.2. The Lend-Lease Act was designed to_____.3. American policy during the years 1935-1936 may be described as being ______.4. The Neutrality Act of 1939 ______.5. We entered the war against Germany________.

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The Law to Keep the Oil Industry under ControlThe Norwegian Government is doing its best to keep the oil industry under control. A new law limits exploration to an area south of the southern end of the long coastline; production limits have been laid down (though these have already been raised); and oil companies have not been allowed to employ more than a limited number of foreign workers.But the oil industry has a way of getting over such problems, and few people believe that the government will be able to hold things back for long.As on Norwegian politician said last week “We will soon be changed beyond all recognition.” Ever since the war, the Government has been carrying out a programme of development in the area north of the Arctic Circle. During the past few years this programme has had a great deal of success: Tromso has been built up into a local capital with a university, a large hospital and a healthy industry. But the oil industry has already started to draw people south, and within a few years the whole northern policy could be in ruins.The effects of the oil industry would not be limited to the north, however. With nearly 100 percent employment, everyone can see a situation developing in which the service industries and the tourist industry will lose more of their workers to the oil industry. Some smaller industries might even disappear altogether when it becomes cheaper to buy goods from abroad.The real argument over oil is its threat to the Norwegian way of life. Farmers and fishermen do not make up most of the population, but they are an important part of it, because Norwegians see in them many of the qualities that they regard with pride as essentially Norwegian. And it is the farmers and the fishermen who are most critical of the oil industry because of the damage that it might cause to the countryside and to the sea.1. The Norwegian Government would prefer the oil industry to______.2. The Norwegian Government has tried to______.3. According to the passage, the oil industry might lead northern Norway to _____.4. In the south, one effect to the development of the oil industry might be______.5. Norwegian farmers and fishermen have an important influence because ______.

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President Arling has put his long-awaited economic restructuring program before the Congress. It provides a coordinated program of investment credits, research grants, educational reforms, and tax changes designed to make American industry more competitive. This is necessary to reverse the economic slide into unemployment, lack of growth, and trade deficits that have plagued the economy for the past six years. The most liberal wing of the President’s party has called for stronger and more direct action. They want an incomes policy to check inflation while Federal financing helps rebuild industry behind a wall of protective tariffs. The Republicans, however, decry even the modest, graduated tax increases in the President’s program.They want tax cuts and a more open market. They say if Federal money has to be injected into the economy, let it through defence spending. Both these alternatives ignore the unique nature of the economic problem before us. It is not simply a matter of markets or financing. The new technology allows vastly increased production for those able to master it.But it also threatens those who fail to adopt it with permanent second-class citizenship in the world economy. If an industry cannot lever itself up to the leading stage of technological advances, then it will not be able to compete effectively. If it cannot do this, no amount of government protectionism or access to foreign markets can keep it profitable for long.Without the profits and experience of technological excellence to reinvest, that industry can only fall still further behind its foreign competitors. So the crux is the technology and that is where the President’s program focused. The danger is not that a plan will not be passed, it is that the ideologues of right and left will distort the bill with amendments that will blur its focus on technology. The economic restructuring plan should be passed intact.If we fail to restructure our economy now, we may not get a second chance.1. The focus of the President’s program is on_____.2. What is the requirement of the most liberal wing of the Democratic-party?3. What is the editor’s attitude?4. The danger to the plan lies in_______.5. The passage is______.

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President Arling has put his long-awaited economic restructuring program before the Congress. It provides a coordinated program of investment credits, research grants, educational reforms, and tax changes designed to make American industry more competitive. This is necessary to reverse the economic slide into unemployment, lack of growth, and trade deficits that have plagued the economy for the past six years. The most liberal wing of the President’s party has called for stronger and more direct action. They want an incomes policy to check inflation while Federal financing helps rebuild industry behind a wall of protective tariffs. The Republicans, however, decry even the modest, graduated tax increases in the President’s program.They want tax cuts and a more open market. They say if Federal money has to be injected into the economy, let it through defence spending. Both these alternatives ignore the unique nature of the economic problem before us. It is not simply a matter of markets or financing. The new technology allows vastly increased production for those able to master it.But it also threatens those who fail to adopt it with permanent second-class citizenship in the world economy. If an industry cannot lever itself up to the leading stage of technological advances, then it will not be able to compete effectively. If it cannot do this, no amount of government protectionism or access to foreign markets can keep it profitable for long.Without the profits and experience of technological excellence to reinvest, that industry can only fall still further behind its foreign competitors. So the crux is the technology and that is where the President’s program focused. The danger is not that a plan will not be passed, it is that the ideologues of right and left will distort the bill with amendments that will blur its focus on technology. The economic restructuring plan should be passed intact.If we fail to restructure our economy now, we may not get a second chance.1.The focus of the President’s program is on ____.2.What is the requirement of the most liberal wing of the Democratic-party?3.What is the editor’s attitude?4.The danger to the plan lies in ____.5.The passage is ____.

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