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If there is any truth in what has been said about the need of forming. A theory of experience at education may be intelligently conducted upon the basis of experience, it is clear that the next thing in order in this discussion is to present the principles that are most significant in framing this theory. I shall not, therefore, apologize for engaging in a certain amount of philosophical analysis, which otherwise might be out of place. I may, however, reassure you to some degree by saying that this analysis is not an end in itself but is engaged in for the sake of obtaining criteria to be applied later in discussion of a number of concrete and, to most persons, more interesting issues.I have already mentioned what I called the category of continuity, or the experiential continuum.  This principle is involved, as I pointed out, in every attempt to discriminate between experiences that are worthwhile educationally and those that are not. It may seem superfluous to argue that this discrimination is necessary not only in criticizing the traditional type of education but also in initiating and conducting a different type. Nevertheless, it is advisable to pursue for a little while the idea that it is necessary. One may safely assume. I suppose, that one thing which has recommended the progressive movement is that it seems more in accord with the democratic ideal to which our people is committed than do the procedures of the traditional school, since the latter have so much of the autocratic about them. Another thing which has contributed to its favorable reception is that its methods are humane in comparison with the harshness so often attending the policies of the traditional school.The question I would raise concerns why we prefer democratic and humane arrangements to those which are autocratic and harsh. And by “why”, I mean the reason for preferring them, not just the causes which lead us to the preference. One cause may be that we have been taught not only in the schools but by the press, the pulpit, the platform, and our laws and law-making bodies that democracy is the best of all social institutions. We may have so assimilated this idea from our surroundings that it has become a habitual part of our mental and moral make-up. But similar causes have led other persons in different surroundings to widely varying conclusions- to prefer fascism, for example. The cause for our preference is not the same thing as the reason why we should prefer it.It is not my purpose here to go in detail into the reason. But I would ask a single question: Can we find any reason that does not ultimately come down to the belief that democratic social arrangements promote a better quality of human experience, one which is more widely accessible and enjoyed than do non-democratic and anti-democratic forms of social life? Does not the principle of regard for individual freedom and for decency and kindliness of human relations come back in the end to the conviction that these things are tributary to a higher quality of experience on the part of a greater number than are methods of repression and coercion or force?  Is it not the reason for our preference that we believe that mutual consultation and convictions reached through persuasion make possible a better quality of experience than can otherwise be provided on any wide scale?

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The second, or problem-oriented, approach is the exact opposite. A specific historical question is formulated, usually prompted by a reading of the secondary authorities, and the relevant primary sources are then studied; the bearing that these sources may have on other issues is ignored, the researcher proceeding as directly as possible to the point where he or she can present some conclusions. Each method encounters snags. The source-oriented approach, although appropriate for a newly discovered source, may yield only an incoherent jumble of dates. The problem-oriented approach, sounds like common sense and probably corresponds to most people’s idea of research. But it is often difficult to tell in advance what sources are relevant. As will be shown later, the most improbable sources are sometimes found to be illuminating, while the obvious ones may lead the historian into too close an identification with the concerns of the organization that produced them. Moreover, for any topic in Western nineteenth-or twentieth-century history, however circumscribed by time or place, the sources are so unwieldy that further selection can hardly be avoided, and with it the risk of leaving vital evidence untouched.In practice neither of these approaches is usually pursued to the complete exclusion of the other, but the balance struck between them varies a good deal. Some historians begin their careers with a narrowly defined project based on a limited range of sources; others are let loose on a major archive with only the vaguest of briefs. The former is on the whole the more common, because of the pressure to produce quick results that is imposed by the Ph.D degree - the formal apprenticeship served by most academic historians. A great deal of research consists not in ferreting out new sources but in turning to well-known materials with new questions in mind. Yet too single-minded a preoccupation with a narrow set of issues may lead to evidence being taken out of context and misinterpreted - “source-mining” as one critic has called it. It is vital, therefore, that the relationship between the historian and his or her sources is one of give and take. Many historians have had the experience of setting out with one set of questions, only to find that the sources which they had supposed would furnish the answers instead directed their research on to quite a different path. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie first turned to the land-tax registers of rural Languedoc with a view to documenting the birth of capitalism in that region; he found himself instead investigating its social structure in the broadest sense, and in particular the impact of demographic change.Mine was the classic misadventure; I had wanted to master a source in order to confirm my youthful convictions, but it was finally the source that mastered me by imposing its own rhythms, its own chronology, and its own particular troth.

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As the world’s political and business elites gather in Davos, the dominant economic and political trend is clear. In the aftermath of the Great Recession, the divergent fortunes of the western and Asian powers have become an overarching theme. The really big question, however, is whether this is just a cyclical blip, or the start of a truly historic long-term trend.Both viewpoints will have their supporters in Davos. Those who predict the continuing dominance of the western world will argue that the US economy is already beginning to recover and that it has consistently surprised skeptics with its technological prowess and economic resilience.As for Europe, some believe that the euro zone crisis has already peaked. They argue that market confidence is returning, that the German economy—the core of the euro zone—is in rude health and that the European Union is beginning to put in place the reforms that will make EU more resilient and unified in future.Optimism about western strength is often combined with certain skepticism about the “Asian miracle”. There will be voices in Davos warning about rising inflation in China and about the long-term risks to China posed by environmental degradation, and an ageing society. Sessions on India will hear cautions about everything from corruption to water shortage and armed rebellions in the countryside.In general, however, optimism about Asia and pessimism about the west is likely to be the prevailing mood. Even though the US economy is now growing, an apparent budget deficit and a rising national’ debt present a picture of both economic and political weakness. Similarly, the threat of sovereign-debt crises continues to hover over the EU—and its political response has so far been anything but convincing.The conventional wisdom is that a profound shift of economic and political power from west to east is indeed under way. The next question is whether the transition will be smooth or turbulent.Once again, both sides of the argument will be aired. The optimists will argue that the world is already moving towards a new phase in the story of globalization. They believe that US anger about alleged Chinese currency manipulation and mercantilism will be blunted, as China allows its currency to appreciate and as the Chinese comer market beans to fulfill its potential. The relationship between China and the US is seen as a microcosm of the new relationship between developed and emerging powers. According to the optimistic scenario, the western world will abandon any flirtation with protectionism, as it increasingly realizes that the growth markets for the west’s large companies lie in countries such as China, India and Brazil. The current surge in European car sales to China could be cited as an encouraging example of this trend.1.As the author discusses the issues in this passage, he sounds ( ).2.The theme of the Davos Economic Forum would be ( ).3.It can be inferred from the passage that the German economy is ( ).4.Which of the following is NOT discussed as a drag on China's economic growth in the passage?5.The China-US relationship will be a very challenging one because ( ).

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The analysis of the relationship between Islam and violence in Asia must be done within as inclusive a perspective as possible. As the example of the evolution of Jihad illustrates, simply viewing developments within the framework of separate countries is no longer a viable framework for analysis. Remaining confined to the geographic boundaries of individual states opens the way for a misleading exceptionalism. It also misses the impact of globalization and the direct involvement of globalization in historical developments. The emergence of Jihad cannot be understood without seeing it in the context of the globalization of activist organizations. Similarly, such developments must be viewed within the framework of global religious resurgence. This is not a phenomenon that is restricted to Muslim organizations in Asia. The issue of the relationship between religion and violence involves examination of Hindu, Jewish, Christian, and other traditions, as well as Islam. The role of violence in religion is an important part, of the challenges facing Asian Islam at the crossroads of history in the beginning of the twenty-first century.Islam’s political role has many important dimensions. The very nature of an “Islamic State” provides an important arena for political debate and activism, and this is joined with the issues of defining the significance of Sharia for societies in the twenty-first century. Islam’s politics is always the arena of mainstream Muslim activity, but it is also increasingly shaped by the violence of extremists, whose appeal appears to be growing. These many dimensions of Islam’s political role need to be better understood. The whole structure of society is being transformed in the modern era. Issues involving the definition of the nature of the social order are an important part of the crossroads situation of Muslim communities and societies in Asia at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Concern about the changing nature of the social order is, in many ways, a continuation of long-standing Islamic perspectives. The real center of the Islamic concepts of how human life should be organized is not “the state”—it is the community, or ummah. The concentration on the issue of the “Islamic State” is, in important ways, a “ modern” concern, reflecting the general tendency of modernity to be state-centered rather than community-centered. However, the often-repeated statement that “Islam is not solely ‘a religion,’ it is a total way of life” reflects a concern for the whole of society, including the political order, but goes beyond the state.The views of Muslims, both mainstream and extremist, regarding the relationship between Islam and the nature and structure of their community are of great significance. Debates defining the developing nature of the whole social order are a major part of the dynamics that determine what the nature of Muslim societies in Asia will be in the twenty-first century. In the broadest terms, this involves defining the role of Islam in civil society, the nature of the public sphere for human activity, and the complex issues of interactions between religion and politics, morality and social order, that arise in defining “secular” relationships in contemporary globalization and the global religious resurgence.1.According to Paragraph 1, which of the following best expresses an inclusive perspective?2.The highlighted “It” in Line 5 refers to ( ).3.According to Paragraph 2, many important dimensions of Islam's political role include all of the following EXCEPT ( ).4.The word “ummah” in the passage is closest in meaning to ( ).5.Why does the author think the views of both mainstream and extremist Muslims regarding the relationship between Islam and the nature of their community are very important?

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Recently, Japanese imports of manufactured goods from China have surged and the reputation of Chinese products has improved substantially, giving rise to concern that China will soon replace Japan as the “factory of the world”. An objective evaluation of China’s industrial strength, however, suggests that there is still a long way to go before it will become a truly advanced industrial country on par with Japan.First of all, the high proportion of labor-intensive products in China’s exports means that its trade structure is typical of a newly industrializing economy (NIE).This is different from that of developed countries, where the major export items, such as machinery, are technology-intensive. Although China is increasing its share of the global market for manufactured goods, including some information-technology (IT) products that are classified as high-tech, Chinese exports are still highly concentrated in lower-end products. In the ease of televisions, for instance, Japan specializes in high-definition and other higher-end models, while China produces standard models whose unit values are much lower.Reflecting Chinas emphasis on processing trade, goods “made in China” contain large numbers of overseas components, some of which are made in Japan. According to official Chinese statistics, increasing exports by USS1 million requires importing intermediate goods and components worth $500,000, which do not form part of China’s gross domestic product (GDP). Moreover, the proportion of this imported content is higher for high-tech than for low-tech products. A computer labeled “made in China” is likely to contain a large portion of imported contents including an Intel central processing unit (CPU), Microsoft Windows operating system, and a liquid crystal display made in Japan or South Korea.In addition, approximately half of China’s exports are produced by subsidiaries of foreign companies, to which dividends, interest charges, royalties and other fees must be paid. Even among Chinese companies with no capital relations with overseas companies, the majority of their exports are processed under OEM (original equipment manufacturing) contracts and sold with foreign brand names. Thus only a very small percentage of the value-added of products labeled “made in China” is actually “made by China”. The latter corresponds to the concept of China’s gross national product (GNP), and excludes import charges on intermediate goods and investment income paid to overseas countries.China is so heavily dependent on foreign partners that it has yet to develop its own edge-cutting technology and internationally recognized brand names. On top of this; Chinese companies are inferior to their overseas counterparts in virtually every aspect, be it capital, human resources, or business management. As a result, China has no option but to look to cheap labor for its export competitiveness. Indeed, the majority of Chinas contribution to the value-added of its exports lies with the cost of labor, and the very low wages in China, averaging less than $100 a month, imply that this contribution must be very small. As such, the common assumption that Chinese goods are competitive because the country’s wage levels are low holds true only for labor-intensive products and does not necessarily apply to industry as a whole. Instead, China’s low wages should be interpreted as a reflection of the fact that its labor productivity is poor. It is when China’s wage levels approach those of Japan, reflecting a rise in productivity, which China will really become a formidable competitor for Japan.1. Why does the author say “there is still a long way to go before it will become a truly advanced industrial country on par with Japan”?2. According to the author, what’s the difference between products labeled “made in China” and those labeled “made by China’”?3. Which of the following is true about the competitiveness of Japan’s products?4. The word “subsidiaries” in Paragraph 4 is closest in meaning to _______.5. Which of the following could be the best title for the passage?

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The term “folk custom” is very broad, but it has been used by folklorists to refer to those shared patterns of behaviors in a particular folk group. Those patterns of behaviors are regarded as the traditional and established ways of members of the particular folk group. Folk custom is transmitted by Word of mouth, demonstration or imitation. The folklore and folk customs of England are rich and varied. Many customs are ancient, and passed down generation after generation from our Germanic and Celtic ancestors. Others are more modern creations.One of the greatest problems in assessing most accounts of folk customs is that they tend to give only the antiquary’s point of view. After all, to most observers, the people they were looking at were simple and illiterate, unmindful of the true significance of the customs they had preserved. Why question them at length if they didn’t understand the essential nature of what they were doing? So a folklorist is likely to emphasize aspects of a tradition which reflect his or her own interests or which fit in with preconceived ideas, while possibly ignoring or giving only passing mention to aspects which may, in fact, be of equal importance.One aspect which generally gets left out of accounts is the viewpoint of the participants themselves: for instance, why they indulge in a particular activity at a particular time of year or of their lives and what feelings they experience while doing so. And now, ideas deriving from folklore studies ate so -widespread that they may easily have become an integral part of the attitude of the participants in a custom. So the folklorist is rather like a man staring at a scene in a mirror who must be aware, to fully understand that scene, that his own reflection is a major part of what he is looking at.It is, however, also true to say that many contemporary students of folklore are fully aware of the problems which beset their enquiries. Like true scientists they draw their conclusions by looking at available evidence, rather-than selecting evidence which fits in with existing theories. Some have also looked away from the “obviously” ancient and turned their attention to folklore where it thrives, in the social life of modern cities, in industry and sport, etc. They may, for example, end up looking at the lore of the motor car, or of popular music, and at customs which, though they have no hints of paganism, nevertheless have much in common with the older activities which do.Many folklorists have gradually come to the conclusion that folklore is not necessarily a thing of the past, a relic of ancient and outmoded ways of thinking, but the means by which people try to make sense of the world (or to confront its lack of sense) and try to alleviate boredom and suffering.1.The best title for the passage is probably ( ).2.The early accounts of folk customs are unreliable because ( ).3.The reason why studying folklore is difficult today is that ( ).4.What is new about folklorists today?5.What does participation in folk customs mean to people?

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Not all decisions are alike. (1) is every decision made in the same manner. Although some actions you undertake (2) their basis from newly made decisions, there are other instances(3) decision-making does not really take place. The latter, according to Deacon and Firebaugh, may involve routine, programmed, impulsive or intuitive action. When you wake up in the morning and prepare to attend class, do you consciously make decisions about (4)things as which, side of your hair to comb first, how to brush your teeth, or which shoe to (5)first? Probably (6). Although you may have made a conscious decision about what you were going to wear to class, you probably(7) any time in making a decision about how to get ready to attend class. Every individual has certain habits or routine behaviors. Although they originated from decisions made (8) in your life, you no longer consciously make these decisions each time you undertake this type of action. Routine plans or actions serve a useful purpose in your daily life and management. How long would it take you to get up, get ready, and walk to class if you had to make separate decisions for each action you take? You use routine plans or actions as resource to make (9)decisions.In addition to the habitual behaviors or routines you follow, you also have certain specific actions you undertake in a (10) situations. These are called programmed decisions. Programmed decisions are different from routines. Routine plans or actions are patterns of behavioral actions repeatedly undertaken on a consistent and regular basis. Programmed decisions, (11), utilize your past experience in a similar situation For instance, you know you are going to have a test. Your method of studying for this test will be done (12) your knowledge of a similar experience. The degree of success (13) achieved will be a determinant in how, when, where, and the length of time you study for this test.Programmed decisions, like routines, are a(n) (14) in your management. When the action undertaken proves .to be successful you repeat the same action the next time a similar situation occurs. The successful achievement, (15) the satisfaction you received, determines when and the extent to which you modify the original decision (16)employing it again in(17) situations.Both routine and (18) decisions serve useful purposes. They act as resources by (19) the need to make new decisions. They also evaluate managerial actions. The success you achieve enables you to bypass or (20)the use of the decision-making process.

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