试题库在线考试题库-历年真题模拟试题及答案-考博英语在线试题测试中心-希赛网

题库

首页 > 题库 > 中共中央党校

The answer lies somewhere in the realm of ideology, in European attitudes not just toward defense spending but toward power itself. Important as the power gap has been in shaping the respective strategic cultures of the United States and Europe, if the disparity of military capabilities were the only problem, the solution would be fairly straightforward. With a highly educated and productive population of almost 400 million people and a $9 trillion economy, Europe today has the wealth and technological capability to make itself more of a world power in military terms if Europeans wanted to become that kind of world power. They could easily spend twice as much as they are currently spending on defense if they believed it necessary to do so. And closing the power gap between the United States and Europe would probably go some way toward closing the gap in strategic perceptions. There is a cynical view current in American strategic circles that the Europeans simply enjoy the “free ride” they have gotten under the American security umbrella over the past six decades. Given America's willingness to spend so much money protecting them, Europeans would rather spend their own money on social welfare programs, long vacations, and shorter workweeks. But there is more to the transatlantic gulf than a gap in military capabilities, and while Europe may be enjoying a free ride in terms of global security, there is more to Europe's unwillingness to build up its military power than comfort with the present American guarantee. After all, the United States in the 19th century was the beneficiary of the British navy's dominance of the Atlantic and the Caribbean. But that did not stop the United States from engaging in its own peacetime naval buildup in the 1880s and 1890s, a buildup that equipped it to launch and win the Spanish-American war, acquire the Philippines, and become a world power. Late-nineteenth-century Americans did not take comfort from their security; they were ambitious for more power. Europeans today are not ambitious for power, and certainly not for military power. Europeans over the past half century have developed a genuinely different perspective on the role of power in international relations, a perspective that springs directly from their unique historical experience since the end of World War II. They have rejected the power politics that brought them such misery over the past century and more. This is a perspective on power that Americans do not and cannot share, in as much as the formative historical experiences on their side of the Atlantic have not been the same. Consider again the qualities that make up the European strategic culture: the emphasis on negotiation, diplomacy, and commercial ties, on international law over the use of force, on seduction over coercion, on multilateralism over unilateralism. It is true that these are not traditionally European approaches to international relations when viewed from a long historical perspective. But they are a product of more recent European history. The modern European strategic culture represents a conscious rejection of the European past, a rejection of the evils of European Mahtlpolilik.

It is clear, all caveats notwithstanding, that a policy and ideological shift has taken place throughout Europe. But this is not always a move away from multiculturalism; sometimes it is a transformation beyond multiculturalism into forms of what might be called “interculturalism”, a term that has already made its appearance in official discourses and has been particularly popular in Germany.One statement that signals the difference of emphasis involved in interculturalism, beyond multiculturalism, is to be found in the European Union’s seventh principle in the list of “Common Basic Principles for Immigrant Integration”; “Frequent interaction between immigrants and Member State citizens is a fundamental mechanism for integration”, and the statement goes on to mention “Shared forums, intercultural dialogue, education about immigrants and immigrant cultures”, and so forth.The key point here is that instead of a mere celebration of diversity and different cultures as in versions of classic multiculturalism, what is involved here is the positive encouragement of encounters between different ethnic and faith groups and the setting up of dialogues and joint activities. This has also, of course, been the thinking behind policies of community cohesion in the UK. At one point, the British government had even suggested to local councils that they should not fund single-community projects, concentrating their resources instead only on projects that brought communities together, but this proposal was dropped as imposing too rigid a requirement. In its place came a recognition that such funding decisions should be made at local levels, especially because single-community organizations also played a vital role in integrating communities into mainstream culture and intercommunal participation.Of course, this should not be taken to imply that intercultural dialogue was not part of previous multicultural philosophy and practice. But there is now a definite recognition that the idea of multiculturalism has succumbed too easily to an interpretation of ethnic cultures as having strictly definable boundaries, having unchanging essential components, and lacking quite fundamental internal dissent. Multiculturalism, in other words, has been too prone to essentialism, although it does not necessarily entail it.The “multi” in multiculturalism immediately gives too much leeway to the space that has always existed in “ multiculturalism” to enable a slippage into thinking of ethnic and national cultures as having rigid boundaries. Use of the notion of interculturalism acts, instead, to undercut this essentialist tendency - it cannot by itself completely prevent it - by building in a conception of connectedness, interaction, and interweaving between the beliefs, practices, and lifestyles of different ethnic groups as part of national cultures that are in constant flux because of myriad changes produced by a wide range of technological, economic, political and cultural factors. In this respect, my proposals share some elements with Hollinger’s suggestions for how the USA should move beyond multiculturalism by adopting a “post-ethnic” perspective.1.What may have been discussed in the paragraph prior to the passage?2. The word “notwithstanding” in the passage is closest in meaning to _______.3.Which of the following best expresses the essential information in the first sentence of the last paragraph?4.According to the passage, which of the following statement can best show interculturalism?5.According to the passage, all of the following are true about interculturalism EXCEPT?

Modern persuasion advertising blossomed as a function of markets that were less competitive by economists’ standards, and are generally referred to as oligopolies. These are markets where a handful of firms dominate output or sales in the industry, and where they have sufficient market power that they can set the price at which their product sells. The key to an oligopoly is that it is very difficult for newcomers to enter the market, no matter how profitable it may be, because of the power of the existing players. Under oligopoly there is strong disincentive to engage in price warfare to expand one’s market share, because all the main players are large enough to survive a price war and all it would do is shrink the size of the industry revenue pie that the firms are fighting over. Indeed, the price in an oligopolistic industry will tend to gravitate toward what it would be in a pure monopoly so the contenders are fighting for slices of the largest possible revenue pie.At first blush, this is a pretty accurate picture of the U.S. economy of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The economy has become far more monopolistic over the past thirty years. It is also a good way, though by no means the only way, to understand the emergence and dominance of advertising. Although firms are not in what economists term competitive markets, they are most definitely engaged in monopolistic competition with each other to maximize their profits. Advertising emerges front and center as a major way to increase market share without engaging in destructive profit-damaging price competition.The election realm, is similar to the economy in that it tends to be a duopoly in general elections, meaning there are usually only two options that could conceivably win, and, as in an oligopoly, these duopolies have used their “market power”—in this case control over election laws—to make it all but impossible for a third party to successfully establish itself as a legitimate contender. Even primary elections are almost always a matter of no more than two or three viable entrants except in a very small number of races. In economic theory this leads to an interesting conclusion: as J. Schor has put it, the smart play for a firm in a duopoly is to act like the other firm, not to differentiate itself.Macpherson was among the first to understand modern electoral politics-the two-party system-in terms of oligopolistic and duopolistic market practices. “Where there are so few sellers,”Macpherson wrote concerning political parties, “they need not and do not respond to buyers’ demands as they must do in a fully competitive system.” This means that the parties, like oligopolistic firms, can “create the demand for political goods” and largely dictate the “demand schedule for political goods.” In Macpherson’s argument, a duopolistic party system in a modern capitalist society like the United States will tend to gravitate to providing a “competition between elites,” which are the driving force and “formulate the issues.” The basics in the political economy are agreed upon by the two parties and off the table for public debate or discussion. In Macpherson’s view, the two-party system was ideal for the production of citizen apathy and de-politicization and for the maintenance of elite rule; i.e. what would be called a “weak democracy”.1. With what theme is the passage mainly concerned?2. The author’s purpose in writing paragraph 1 and 2 is to __.3. What does the phrase “front and center” in paragraph 2 mean?4. The highlighted sentence “The basics ... or discussion” in the last paragraph most probably implies that.5. What is the author likely to talk about in the paragraph following this passage?

The second major cause of the changes in cultural policy that we are witnessing at the present time is the radical transformation of the economic environment in which cultural goods are produced, distributed and consumed, brought about by what is loosely referred to as “globalization”. This term is widely used in the contemporary discourse to identify a series of related trends that can be observed in economic, social and geopolitical spheres. Essentially, globalization can be defined as three phenomena: the breakdown of barriers to the movement of resources, especially capital and labor, between countries and regions; the emergence of a global marketplace for many commodities, with increased commercial opportunities for both national and transnational companies; and the internationalization of communications, leading to, among other things, the free transmission of cultural symbols and messages around the world. There are both technological and economic causes underlying these phenomena; the digital revolution, the explosion in computational power available across a wide range of applications, the growth of the internet and the invention of new devices for communication and data transmission have together provided the technological impetus for globalization, while its operations have been enabled by a widespread acceptance of neoliberal economic principles as the basis for national and international policy-making.The effects of these trends on artists, creative workers, commercial and non-commercial firms producing and distributing cultural products, cultural agencies and institutions, and consumers, have been profound. To begin with, on the production side new communications technologists have fostered new forms of cultural expression and opened up new avenues for cultural exchange. At the cutting edge, artists working in new media are experimenting with innovative methods for making art and communicating it to consumers; these developments can be likened to R&D activities in industry, given that the eventual payoff (in both artistic and commercial terms) is uncertain but could be substantial. Manuel Castells has observed that this new technological environment can be described as cultural insofar as its dynamics are dependent on “the culture of innovation, on the culture of risk, on the culture of expectations and. ultimately, on the culture of hope in the future.”Furthermore, new technologists have led to new ways for cultural producers to carry on their business operations, through improved information and marketing services, more efficient management systems, and so on. For example, museums and galleries are digitizing their collections, performing groups are adopting electronic ticketing, and newspapers are being made available on-line. At the same time, threats have emerged to traditional modes of cultural production and distribution, nowhere more evident than in the music industry, where illegal downloads from the internet continue to affect the revenue streams of performers, publishers and record companies.1.The best title for the passage is probably （）.2.Which of the following phenomena closely related to "globalization" is NOT mentioned in the passage?3.One of the causes underlying the globalization trends is that （）.4.Which of the following is TRUE about the effects of globalization on cultural industry?5.The word impetus in paragraph 1 is closest in meaning to （）.

From the earliest decades of colonization to the 20th century, Americans have celebrated and largely taken for granted the seemingly endless bounty of their land. Not until the early twentieth century did a significant conservation movement develop before the prodding of professional resource managers like the forester Gifford Pinchot, and politicians like Theodore Roosevelt. The movement was a response to an evident dwindling of know mineral resources, the decimation of virgin forests, and a decline in the fish and game available to sportsmen. It was also an integral expression of the political movement known as progressivism, which stressed, among other things, the use of government power, guided by scientific knowledge and democratic principles, to solve national, social, and economic problems. The progressive conservationists pushed into existence a substantial body of legislation at state and national levels that aimed at the rational management of resources. For the most part, however, these laws had more form than substance, and in practice the exploitation of nature continued and largely unchecked.By the 1920’s progressivism had faded away, but its enthusiasm for scientific management and research remained active in the business community. Both the commitment to resource management research by industry and the allocation of funds to seek out untapped resources grew rapidly. Science and technology linked up more closely than before to devise means for their exploitation.The amalgam of science, technology, and business interests not only fostered the continued growth of older industries, but also spawned new industries that fostered economic expansion at great environmental cost. The development of electric power raised manufacturing productivity and the material standard of living, but also polluted the air through the combustion of fossil fuels in huge amounts. The spread of automotive transportation entailed mobility and productivity, but exacted the price of long-term environmental costs, voracious energy consumption, and expropriation of land for railways. The multifaceted petrochemical industry listed among its benefits better agricultural productivity from the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, but contributed heavily to air, water, and soil pollution. The aviation industry promoted mobility and cohesion within the nation and helped to end American isolation from the rest of the world, but promoted a new dimension of air and noise pollution, energy demands, and pressure on scarce land in urban areas for airports.American urbanization and industrialization continued to accelerate between World War I and the 1970’s, with only a temporary slump in the depression era. Demand for iron, steel, coal, oil, gas, water, and food rocked ahead during these years, stimulated particularly by the economic growth associated with World War II. By the 1970’s the industrial might of the United States was an overpowering national and global reality. With six percent of the world’s people, it consumes annually some thirty-five percent of the world’s available resources, while generating proportionate burdens of harmful wastes. While Americans have been proud of their technical and industrial preeminence, it was only in the 1950’s that persuasive environmental thinking began to remind them that being an economic superpower is a mixed blessing with profound ecological consequences.1.The Americans have always believed that the United States （）.2.Progress in environmental protection in the United States would not have been possible if it had not been for （）.3.The author’s attitude towards environmental laws and regulations in the United States is （）.4.In paragraph 3, the author tries to account for （）in the United States.5.The last sentence of the passage means that （）.

Max Weber proposed a complex approach to inequality which expressly takes account of non-economic dimensions of ranking and inequality. Against Marx, Weber maintains that the operation of power in societies is yet more fundamental than their economic basis. Power（1）the capacity of individuals or groups to realize their will even （2） the opposition of others. This yields three categories fundamental to the analysis of inequality: class, status and party. Inequality may be located in economically defined（3）but could also be founded in status groups and political parties. In this elaboration he sought to refine the measurement of inequality and to show the potential singularity of his criteria （4） their connectedness. For example, power is often linked to class-based wealth but it can be separated in situations （5） power is linked to knowledge. Status refers to style of life. It also refers to social esteem, the respect and admiration （6） a person according to his or her social position and this can be local （7）structural and take account of interpersonal subjectivities. Marx’s stress on structural relationships and on the duplicitous nature of culture tends to be replaced by a view of classes as ranked hierarchies of fixed groupings（8）individuals may be mobile. While the categories are fixed and classes are bounded, individuals may, （9）, change their class position. （10）, Weber’s discussion emphasizes how both class and status distinction can affect people’s life chances, that is, the chances that an individual has to share in the economic and cultural goods of a society. Material and cultural goods are often （11）distributed and class and status rankings will ensure that people will have（12）access to these goods. These features of Weber’s thought are important to （13）when considering non-class based systems of（14 ）. The opening up of the relationship between inequality, meaning and manifestation allows for the consideration of systems of inequality other than class. There are ranked societies where there is unequal access to positions of status and prestige and these are not necessarily linked to （15）. An example is found in those traditional African societies where the chiefs did not live at a （16 ）standard of living than their subjects and where economies were redistributive, （ 17）, the chief received tribute which he then（18） his followers as a mark of his status and largesse. The position of many European noble families is a contemporary example of ranked society: access to （19） a title is limited, usually to family members, and many of these titled families are （20） wealthy and have no power by virtue of their nobility in their societies.

But the changes, even at this early stage of the 2012 campaign, have proven more dramatic and （）than all but the most （） analyst had imagined.

Global cultural homogenization brings reactions based on identity politics, including nationalism and religiopolitics because （） expressing needs better than the current secular order, which favors universalist modern western values.

The core spirit was that businesses should always be permitted to develop any area （） profits could be found, and （） this was the most efficient use of resources for an economy.

That the material in the ads may not be pertinent to the real issues the candidate will be addressing once in office or what they might do on the real issues they might face is （）.

In addition, the search for new economic models that prioritize inclusive and sustainable growth （）new, and more active, roles for territories in policy design and implementation.

The area where conventional microeconomics would raise eyebrows if not ring alarm bells is how capitalist development of Internet-related industries has （） generated considerable market concentration at almost every level.

Cool musicians demanded respect, and when （）didn’t blow up, but, like the president, responded （）.

He （）his version of the American dream, that if you work hard you can succeed, no matter who you are.

Mr. Coleman, president of the College Board, announced new programs to help low-income students, who will now be given （）allowing them to apply to four colleges at no charge.

An architect of Israeli settlements in the occupied lands, Mr. Sharon gained international （） over the years for harsh tactics against the Palestinians over （） Israel ruled.

The United States and Russia have reached an agreement that calls for Syria’s （） of chemical weapons to be removed or destroyed by the middle of 2014, Secretary of State John Kerry said on Saturday.

Crimea is a center of pro-Russian sentiment, which can （） separatism. The region——a peninsula on Ukraine’s Black Sea coast---has 2.3 million inhabitants, most of whom identify themselves as ethnic Russians and speak Russian.

Moscow seems to be moving past its old fear of an expanded NATO. Though Russia does not want to join NATO —— Putin and other politicians have made it clear that they consider Russia capable of ensuring its own security —— it is placing a new （）on fostering tie with its NATO neighbors.

For a young man of such scrupulous loyalty and so little ambition this was a discouraging start. Despite all his correctness, he appeared to have blundered and to have started life （）.

暂未登录

学员用户尊享特权

老师批改作业做题助教答疑学员专用题库高频考点梳理

上一页 1 2 3 4 5 6 下一页