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 When ConAgra Foods came to China five years ago, the company had high hopes and big worries. Previously, the company entered the Japanese market and repeatedly ran into obstacles like communication breakdowns, cultural missteps and missed deadlines. While those wrinkles were eventually straightened out,ConAgra knew it could not afford to make the same mistake in China. Intent on finding a guide who could shorten the cultural distance, Julie Williams, who was then the company’s human resources manager responsible for international organization, hired Carla Kearns, founder of TLI-The Mandarin School, based in Toronto, to provide its executives with intercultural business training.Ms. Kearns teaches companies to understand the fundamental values that Western and Chinese cultures see differently and that if ignored can wreak havoc on their bottom line. They include concepts of time, hierarchy, individualism, personal relationships and saving face.Western executives flying into China for a week of back-to-back meetings but getting nowhere with their Chinese business partners? They may be investing money in the trip, but not something just as vital: time. Rushed schedules leave no time for skillful negotiation and can offend Chinese, who want to build trust and develop relationships, often by socializing over dinners and drinks.Another pitfall is when Westerners lay all the problems on the table, while Chinese will only address two at any given meeting because criticism or blame will make them look bad in front of their peers.Western executives assuming their business practices are successful if their Chinese employees don’t object? Think again. Chinese are taught to obey authority and are often loath to disagree with their bosses.Ms. Kearns charges corporations about $5,000 for a day of training for 5 to 100 people and speaks to both Westerners and Chinese, focusing on the “core gut reactions” each audience has when facing cultural obstacles at the office. Part therapist, motivational speaker and management consultant, Ms. Kearns, who has worked across East Asia, begins by telling clients like ConAgra to leave their Western assumptions at home. “I’m able to explain these cultural issues to Westerners because I’ve been through that frustration, too,” she said. “So many times I see Westerners go to China and see something different than what happens in North America, and it becomes this judgment and condemnation.”

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Identity is about how we define who we are. Literally, both identity and the self mean “the same as”. In cultural theory identity is used to describe the consciousness of self found in the modern individual. The modern self is understood to be autonomous and self-critical. The German philosopher G.W.F. Hegel saw individualism, the right to criticism and autonomy of action as the three main characteristics of modern subjectivity. This self-reflexive aspect of identity means that, in the modern age, identity is understood to be a project. It is not fixed. The autobiographical thinking that characterizes modern identity creates a coherent sense of a past identity, but that identity has to be sustained in the present and remade in the future. The constant remaking of identity reveals that the sense of self is to some extent an illusion, because the making of the self requires a constant interaction with the not-self or non-identity: the external world. In modern Western societies, certain identities have been privileged over others. Men have been privileged over women. White Europeans have been privileged over non-whites. Certain modes of sexual behavior have defined normal against deviant sexual identities. “Identity politics” is the term used to describe the emergence into the political arena of identities other than those of white, European, heterosexual men. The assertion of alternative identities has followed a number of different strategies which Jonathan Dollimore divides into four types of “reverse discourses”: (1) the assertion of a positive identity as normal and natural as the dominant “norm”; (2) the assertion of a negative identity, which is abnormal, but can be explained and assimilated by recourse to legitimating (for example, medical or scientific) discourses; (3) the assertion of a different identity as more natural and normal than the dominant norm; (4) the strategy of transgression, where the very categories that define what is normal and abnormal are subverted. The first of these four can be described as essentialist strategies. They assert oppositional identity as essentially unchangeable. An example would be the cultural movement known as “negritude” which emerged at the end of the French Empire. One of its leading proponents, Leopold Senghor argued that African culture is “more sensitive to the external world, to the material aspect of beings and things”. However, the result of such strategies is often anti-essentialist. An assertive African culture will in fact change the nature of both African and European identities. The fourth reverse discourse is explicitly anti-essentialist. Identity is understood to be performative, not based on any essential characteristics, but rather is a performance based on cultural expectations. Dollimore’s example of an anti-essentialist identity is Oscar Wilde, who famously argued for the primacy of culture in his statement that “life imitates art”. One of the most interesting developments in identity politics emerging from this insight has been queer politics. This has developed from lesbian and gay politics; but queer politics resists the division of sexuality into a binary opposition of essentialist homosexual or heterosexual identities. Instead, Judith Butler argues that identities are the products of the discourses that define sexuality. We perform masculinity or femininity, homosexuality or heterosexuality according to a script already written as the cultural conventions of our society. In this view, identities are cultural constructions rather than pre-set.

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Then I saw in my dream, that when they were got out of the wilderness, they presently saw a town before them, and the name of the town is Vanity; and at the town there is a fair kept, called Vanity Fair; it is kept all the year long. It bears the name of Vanity Fair, because the town where it is kept is lighter than vanity, and also because all that is there sold, or that comes thither, is vanity. As is the saying of the wise, “All that comes is vanity.” This fair is no newly begun business, but a thing of ancient standing. I will show you the original of it. Almost five thousand years ago, there were pilgrims walking to the Celestial City, as these two honest persons are; and Beelzebub, Apollyon, and Legion, with their companions, perceiving by the path that the pilgrims made, that their way to the city lay through this town of Vanity, they contrived here to set up a fair; a fair wherein should be sold all sorts of vanity, and that it should last all the year long. Therefore at this fair are all such things sold, as houses, lands, trades, places, honors, preferments, titles, countries, kingdoms, lusts, pleasures, and delights of all sorts, as wives, husbands, children, masters, servants, lives, blood, bodies, souls, silver, gold, pearls, precious stones, and what not. And, moreover, at this fair there is at all times to be seen cheats, games, plays, fools, apes, knaves, and rogues, and that of every kind. Here are to be seen, too, and that for nothing, thefts, murders, adulteries, false swearers, and that of a blood-red color. And, as in other fairs of less moment, there are the several rows and streets, under their proper names, where such and such wares are vended; so here likewise you have the proper places, rows, streets (namely, countries and kingdoms), where the wares of this fair are soonest to be found. Here are the Britain Row, the French Row, the Italian Row, the Spanish Row, the German Row, where several sorts of vanities are to be sold. But, as in other fairs, some one commodity is as the chief of all the fair, so the ware of Rome and her goods are greatly promoted in this fair; only our English nation, with some others, have taken a dislike thereat. Now, as I said, the way to the Celestial City lies just through this town where this lusty fair is kept; and he that would go to the city, and yet not go through this town, must needs go out of the world. The Prince of princes himself, when here, went through this town to his own country, and that upon a fair day too; yea, and as I think, it was Beelzebub, the chief lord of this fair, that invited him to buy of his vanities; yea, would have made him lord of the fair, would he but have done him reverence as he went through the town.1.The word “fair” in Vanity Fair is closest in meaning to ( ). 2. The word “they” in Line 3, Paragraph 3 refers to ( ).3.Which of the following is FALSE about Vanity Fair?4.Where is Vanity Fair situated?5.The pronoun “him”, in “would he but have done him reverence as he went through the town” refers to ( ).

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When the Bastille fell in 1789, many observers concluded that France had joined the United States in the attempt to become an enlightened republic. Ever since, eyewitnesses ― and then historians—have sought to explain the complex connections between these revolutions. Scholarship falls into two general camps: authors who compare the revolutions’ trajectories and achievements; and those who are interested in impact, how each country influenced the other. Both approaches are central to narratives of the early United States, affecting interpretations of nationalism, political life, and the economy, among other issues.For all that we know about these 'sister republics,’ Philipp Ziesche’s Cosmopolitan Patriots and Doina Pasca Harsanyi’s Lessons from America remind us how much remains underexplored. These works shed new light on the relationship between France and the United States in the 1790s, and they do so through the purview of migrants. Ziesche focuses on elite Americans who were drawn to Paris for ideological and economic reasons, while Harsanyi considers French nobles who found themselves on the wrong side of revolution and ended up in temporary exile in Philadelphia. For both historians, these emigrants offer an advantageous perspective because of their dislocation. Although the motivation for each group’s move differed (one was voluntary, the other not), marginality in their host nations led them to reflect, with keen insight, on what the United States could learn from France and vice versa. Their experiences, the authors argue, show us how some influential men made sense of the reverberations of revolutions.Philipp Ziesche’s Americans in Paris are familiar faces, including Thomas Jefferson, Gouverneur Morris, Thomas Paine, Joel Barlow, and James Monroe. For Ziesche’s purposes, what’s most important about these “patriots” is their cosmopolitanism—their belief that all men were “fellow citizens of the world,” united by a common set of values that elided national, religious, linguistic, and other differences. This notion encouraged them to travel to Paris in the 1790s, thinking that they, armed with republican know-how, could be useful to their French counterparts in the translation of universal ideals into practice. But the project of creating republican nations was, to a certain extent, at odds with cosmopolitanism, since nations, it was believed, reflected the mores and manners unique to a population and place. Ziesche points out, however, that individual national projects always looked elsewhere for instruction, and they derived legitimacy, in part, from official recognition by other nations. Universalism was an inescapable component of nationalism.The “cosmopolitan patriots” were well aware of the tension between the particular and the universal in the making of republican nations, and their wrestling with this dynamic in the French context influenced their vision for the United States. Each chapter explores an aspect of this problem through one or more individuals, all the while progressing chronologically through the decade. Ziesche begins with Thomas Jefferson and Gouverneur Morris and their impressions of the new French constitution of 1789, and he then considers the divergent stances of William Short and Jefferson on the Jacobins and revolutionary violence.1.What makes scholarship fall into the two camps according to the passage?2.What is the common ground between the two historians of Philipp Ziesche and Doina Pasca Harsanyi?3.The word “elided” in Paragraph 3 refers to ( ).4.Who are those “cosmopolitan patriots” according to the passage?5.Which of the following statements can be added to the passage?

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President Barack Obama has been excoriated for declaring that “we don’t have a strategy yet” for effectively confronting the Islamic State group. In criticizing Obama for taking too much time, Mike Rogers, the Republican chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, told “Fox News Sunday” that “this ‘don’t-do-stupid-stuff” policy isn’t working.” That sounded odd to my ear—like we should just bomb somebody, even if it is stupid. If Obama did that, what would he be ignoring?First, experience. After 9/11 that sort of “fire, ready, aim” approach led George W. Bush to order a ground war in Iraq without sufficient troops to control the country, without a true grasp of Iraq’s Shiite-Sunni sectarian dynamics and without any realization that, in destroying the Sunni Taliban regime in Afghanistan and the Sunni Baathist regime in Iraq, we were destroying both of Iran’s mortal enemies and thereby opening the way for a vast expansion of Iran’s regional influence. We were in a hurry, myself included, to change things after 9/11, and when you’re in a hurry you ignore complexities that come back to haunt you later.There are no words to describe the vileness of the video beheadings of two U.S. journalists by the Islamic State, but I have no doubt that they’re meant to get us to overreact, a la 9/11, and rush off again without a strategy. The Islamic State is awful, but it is not a threat to America’s homeland.Second, the context. To defeat the Islamic State, you have to address the context out of which it emerged. And that is the three civil wars raging in the Arab world today: the civil war within Sunni Islam between radical jihadists and moderate mainstream Sunni Muslims and regimes; the civil war across the region between Sunnis funded by Saudi Arabia and Shiites funded by Iran; and the civil war between Sunni jihadists and all other minorities in the region: Yazidis, Turkmen, Kurds, Christians, Jews and Alawites.When you have a region beset by that many civil wars at once, it means there is no center, only sides. And when you intervene in the middle of a region with no center, you very quickly become a side.The Islamic State emerged as an extreme expression of resentment by one side: Iraqi and Syrian Sunnis who felt cut out of power and resources by the pro-Iranian Shiite regime in Baghdad and the pro-Iranian Alawite/Shiite regime in Damascus. That is why Obama keeps insisting that the United States’ military intervention must be accompanied, for starters, by Iraqis producing a national unity government ― of mainstream Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds — so our use of force supports pluralism and power-sharing, not just Shiite power.But power-sharing doesn’t come easy in a region where kinship and sectarian loyalties overwhelm any sense of shared citizenship. Without it, though, the dominant philosophy is either: “I am strong, why should I compromise?” or “I am weak, how can I compromise?” So any onslaught we make on the Islamic State, absent national unity governments, will have Shiites saying the former and Sunnis saying the latter. That’s why this is complicated.1.Which of the following words is synonymous to the highlighted word “excoriated” in the first line of the passage?2.According to the passage, all of the following statements are FALSE EXCEPT ( ).3.Which of the following statements is FALSE according to the passage?4.Which of the following is the most appropriate title for the whole passage?5.What do you think of the author’s attitude towards Obama’s policy on the Islamic State according to the passage?

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Early research on attitudes assumed that they were casually related to behavior; that is, the attitudes people hold determine what they do. Common sense, too, suggests a relationship. Isn’t it logical that people watch television programs they like, or that employees try to avoid assignments they find distasteful?However, in the late 1960s, this assumed effect of attitudes on behavior was challenged by a review of the research. One researcher—Leon Festinger—argued that attitudes follow behavior. Did you ever notice how people change what they say, so it doesn’t contradict what they do? Perhaps a friend of yours has consistently argued that the quality of US cars isn’t up to that of imports and that he’d never own anything but a Japanese or German car. But his dad gives him a late-model Ford Mustang, and suddenly US cars aren't so bad. Festinger argued that these cases of attitude following behavior illustrate the effects of cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance refers to any incompatibility an individual might perceive between two or more attitudes or between behavior and attitudes. Festinger argued that any form of inconsistency is uncomfortable and that individuals will attempt to reduce the dissonance and, hence, the discomfort. They will seek a stable state, in which there is a minimum of dissonance.Research has generally concluded that people seek consistency among their attitudes and between their attitudes and their behavior. They do this by altering either the attitudes or the behavior or by developing a rationalization for the discrepancy. Tobacco executives provide an example. How you might wonder do these people cope with the ongoing barrage of data linking cigarette smoking and negative health outcomes? They can deny that any clear causation between smoking and cancer, for instance, has been established. They can brainwash themselves by continually articulating the benefits of tobacco. They can acknowledge the negative consequences of smoking, but rationalize that people are going to smoke and that tobacco companies merely promote freedom of choice. They can accept the research evidence and begin actively working to make less dangerous cigarettes or at least reduce their availability to more vulnerable groups, such as teenagers. Or they can quit their job because the dissonance is too great.No individual, of course, can completely avoid dissonance. You know that cheating on your income tax is wrong, but you “fudge” the numbers a bit every year and hope you’re not audited. Or you tell your children to floss their teeth every day, but you don’t. So how do people cope? Festinger would propose that the desire to reduce dissonance depends on the importance of the elements creating it and the degree of influence the individual believes he has over the elements; individuals will be more motivated to reduce dissonance when the attitudes or behavior are important or when they believe that the dissonance is due to something they can control. A third factor is the rewards of dissonance; high rewards accompanying high dissonance tend to reduce the tension inherent in the dissonance because they allow us to easily rationalize it.1.The purpose of mentioning the TV programs people watch in the first paragraph is to show ( ).2.Which of the following cases can illustrate “dissonance”?3.People seek consistency among their attitudes and between their attitudes and their behavior by doing many things EXCEPT by ( ).4.The author wants to tell us ( )by giving the example of tobacco executives.5.Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the last paragraph?

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The question of ethics in the legal profession is one that has plagued the industry since its inception. The common image of an attorney is one who will resort to any unethical trick to(1)the laws to fit his purposes. In the more specific industry of criminal law, defense attorneys are often criticized for advocating(2) defendants who are “obviously guilty,” thus becoming roadblocks on the path to(3). Much to the contrary, (4), defense attorneys provide a valuable service that should earn them praise, not scorn. While it is true that every lawyer will do everything (5) to interpret the laws in the manner most beneficial to his client, such a characterization is (6) limited to defense attorneys. The prosecutor will do the same thing, employing all his legal knowledge and know-how to establish the guilt of the defendant.(7 ), the vague nature of the law is highlighted, and it becomes a virtual necessity for each side to use every tool (8), on the assumption that the other side will also use every tool at his. The net result emerges as a positive, (9) the tricks of the opposing attorney cancel one another out, leaving only the truth, clearer and (10)manipulation,(11)the jury’s consideration. Further, the defense attorney is a vital element of the American judicial system, (12)without him the defendant would stand no chance whatsoever. Under the constitution, even the most “obvious guilty” defendants (13)the right to a fair trial, involving someone able and willing to advocate on his behalf. Of course, there are bad apples in the industry who are (14)and care nothing for actual justice, and (15) only concerns are their wallets. Generally speaking, however, without (16), the system would crumble into a mere machine in which defendants are assumed guilty, without a chance to argue or prove (17), and many innocent people(18) with crimes would be severely punished for transgressions that they didn’t commit. It is a basic fact that the adversarial system of justice in the United States is necessary in order to ensure(19)and most unbiased presentation and evaluation of the facts possible. Without defense attorneys, that system cannot be carried out, and (20)a loss of the civil liberties that the nation enjoys and treasures. To that end, all of those who make that process a reality, including defense attorneys, deserve our support and admiration, not our suspicion and disdain.

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