试题库在线考试题库-历年真题模拟试题及答案-考博英语在线试题测试中心-希赛网

题库

首页 > 题库 > 中国社会科学院

关于创造力有着各种错误观念。一是只有特殊的人才具有创造力，二是创造力只与艺术有关，三是创造力只跟天马行空的个性表达有关。这些看法都是错误的。与此相反，所有人都具有创造力。创造力的真正动力来自探索的欲望与对所从事的工作的热爱。

洞察大势，方能顺势而为。当今世界正处于大发展大变革大调整时期，和平与发展仍然是时代主题，但面临的不稳定性不确定性突出，世界经济增长动能不足，地区热点问题此起彼伏，恐怖主义、难民问题、气候变化等非传统安全威胁持续蔓延，人类面临许多共同挑战，需要各国携手应对。

儒家思想的最优之处在于其对于中国传统文化的依赖，“五经”就是一个代表，所以它表现了“古典文化”的特征。“五经”是儒家学派的发酵产物，它以解释与翻译为主，随着时代的变化与更新理论。儒家思想的另一特点是其对于古代中国父权社会的深刻理解以及之后对于父权文化的反对。

Translate the underlined sentences into good Chinese.I know that most men think differently from myself; but those whose lives are by profession devoted to the study of these or kindred subjects content me as little as any. Statesmen and legislators, standing so completely within the institution, never distinctly and nakedly behold it. They speak of moving society, but have no resting-place without it. (1) They may be men of a certain experience and discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain narrow limits. They are wont to forget that the world is not governed by policy and expediency. Webster never goes behind government, and so cannot speak with authority about it. His words are wisdom to those legislators who contemplate no essential reform in the existing government; but for thinkers, and those who legislate for all time, he never once glances at the subject. I know of those whose serene and wise speculations on this theme would soon reveal the limits of his mind’s range and hospitality. Yet, compared with the cheap professions of most reformers, and the still cheaper wisdom an eloquence of politicians in general, his are almost the only sensible and valuable words, and we thank Heaven for him. Comparatively, he is always strong, original, and, above all, practical. Still, his quality is not wisdom, but prudence. The lawyer’s truth is not Truth, but consistency or a consistent expediency. Truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrong-doing. He well deserves to be called, as he has been called, the Defender of the Constitution. There are really no blows to be given by him but defensive ones. He is not a leader, but a follower. His leaders are the men of ’87. (2) “I have never made an effort,” he says, “and never propose to make an effort; I have never countenanced an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to disturb the arrangement as originally made, by which various States came into the Union.” Still thinking of the sanction which the Constitution gives to slavery, he says, “Because it was part of the original compact—let it stand.” (3) Notwithstanding his special acuteness and ability, he is unable to take a fact out of its merely political relations, and behold it as it lies absolutely to be disposed of by the intellect from which what new and singular code of social duties might be inferred. (4) “The manner,” says he, “in which the governments of those States where slavery exists are to regulate it, is for their own consideration, under the responsibility to their constituents, to the general laws of propriety, humanity, and justice, and to God. Associations formed elsewhere, springing from a feeling of humanity, or any other cause, have nothing whatever to do with it. They have never received any encouragement from me and they never will.”(5) They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the Bible and the Constitution, and drink at it there with reverence and humanity; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pilgrimage toward its fountain-head.

Directions: Write a 100-120-word summary of the article in this part.

Directions: Some sentences have been removed in the following text. Choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the blanks. There are two extra choices which do not fit in any of the blanks.Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB or Bank) supports infrastructure and interconnectivity to promote economic growth and improve the lives of people in its member countries. 1. AIIB recognizes that it is the responsibility of Clients in their activities, to comply with their legal obligations (including under international law) relating to environmental and social sustainability, and is prepared to assist Clients in meeting these obligations in its areas of focus.2. For AIIB, inclusion means empowering all citizens to participate in, and benefit from, the development process in a manner consistent with local conditions. Inclusion encompasses policies to promote equity of opportunity by improving the access of poor and disadvantaged people to education, health, social protection, infrastructure, affordable energy, employment, financial services and productive assets. It also embraces action to remove barriers against those who are often excluded from the development process, such as women, children and minorities, and to ensure that the voice of all citizens can be heard.3. AIIB’s Clients, whether public or private, are responsible for successful development and implementation of their Operations, including management of the environmental and social risks and impacts of these activities. AIIB aims to work in a cooperative manner—by providing expert advice and financing specialized consultants—to support its Clients in integrating environmental and social aspects into their Operations.4. The objective of biodiversity conservation and sustainable management of living natural resources should be balanced with the potential for utilizing the multiple economic, social and cultural values of biodiversity and living natural resources in an optimized manner. AIIB seeks to work with its Clients to maintain the livelihoods of Indigenous Peoples and other affected communities whose access to, or use of, biodiversity or living natural resources may be affected by an Operation.Indeed, AIIB recognizes the challenges presented by climate change and the need to support both mitigation and adaptation measures in its Operations. AIIB aims to support its Clients in their evaluation of both the potential impacts of Operations on climate change and the implications of climate change on Operations. AIIB intends to work with its Clients to identify opportunities for no-or low-carbon investments and for reducing emissions in Operations. AIIB also seeks to support its Clients in their development of both mitigation and adaptation measures that promote climate resilient investments.5. Meaningful consultation is a process that begins early and is ongoing throughout the Operation. It is inclusive, timely and undertaken in an open manner. It conveys adequate information that is understandable and readily and in turn, enables the incorporation of stakeholders’ views into decision-making. It is conducted in a manner commensurate with the risks to, and impacts on, those affected by the Operation.A. The AIIB, a modern knowledge-based institution, will focus on the development of infrastructure and other productive sectors in Asia, including energy and power, transportation and telecommunications, rural infrastructure and agriculture development, water supply and sanitation, environmental protection, urban development and logistics, etc.B. In addressing the development challenges of Asia, AIIB subscribes to the principles of sustainable development in the identification, preparation and implementation of Operations.C. For the principles of environmental and social sustainability to be effectively integrated into policies and Operations, AIIB believes that they should become part of routine decision-making processes and that environmental and social issues should receive consideration in the identification, development, implementation and evaluation of all Operations.D. AIIB believes that social development and inclusion are critical for sound development.E. The social development and inclusion unit supports the development of strategic planning and co-ordination structures to identify key priority social development and social Inclusion issues in the county and promote collaborative actions with the various organisations to address these issues.F. AIIB recognizes that protecting and conserving biodiversity, sustainably managing living natural resources and maintaining core ecological functions are fundamental to sustainable development.G. AIIB believes that meaningful consultation is essential for the design and implementation of an Operation.

The UN human rights chief, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, recently announced he would not be seeking a second term in office. “To do so, in the current geopolitical context, might involve bending a knee in supplication... lessening the independence and integrity of my voice,” he explained.His vivid words implied that civil rights advocacy has become untenable and this statement of resignation—from a highly respected and effective voice—is a tragic indictment of the current state of play. Consider, for a start, the Trump administration’s record, including attempts to ban Muslim travel and exclude transgender people from the military, and how it highlights a UN system now deprived of an important historical champion. What’s more, faced with rising populist nationalism, European states have largely failed to fill the void and the continent’s treatment of refugees has seriously damaged its moral authority.Deprived, then, of its traditional liberal democratic allies, the UN system appears increasingly toothless. It effectively operates as a peer network, and without strong government leadership, it struggles to bring about change. Instead, for the “west”, arms exports to Saudi Arabia, migration deals with Turkey and trade deals with China have been prioritised over speaking out on civil rights. And the consequences of silence and complicity have been manifest—from slaughter and starvation in Yemen to forced repatriation of the Rohingya, impunity in Syria and extrajudicial killings in the Philippines.However, the mood of resignation is premature and wrongheaded. It is time to fight for civil rights—but equally time to reimagine how they are achieved in a changing world. And this requires leadership from within and beyond the UN system. This year marks the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which heralded a historical period during which a swath of treaties were agreed. These treaties are among the great achievements of the 20th century and must be maintained. But alone they are insufficient to ensure compliance and implementation. Reminding governments that they are breaking the laws they signed up to is no longer working.The temptation for UN agencies is to try to see out the current impasse and hope for a return of the bygone era. The problem with this strategy, however, is that the current geopolitical climate may not be a blip but instead result from fundamental changes. The rise of “multi-polarity”—where power is widely dispersed among nations—may indefinitely deprive the civil rights system its “enforcer of last resort”. Meanwhile, populist nationalism could be a long-term feature of the political landscape. Sustaining a viable civil rights system in the new world order will require adaptation and innovation.Non-traditional players can play a significant role. Last week, the executive director of a relevant organization, Kenneth Roth, suggested that the story of 2017 was one of quietly effective resistance. These scattered successes were the result of political mobilisation by small groups of states, filling the void left by others and often working with civil society. For example, the Netherlands led a coalition at the civil rights council to investigate Saudi-backed atrocities in Yemen. Iceland led the council to condemn Rodrigo Duterte’s backing for summary executions in the Philippines’ war on drugs.“Constructive engagement” offers hope. Reporting violations and resorting to legal channels, including courts, to assert civil rights law can influence state behaviour, but it doesn’t always. In areas such as alternatives to detention for asylum seekers and police reform, working with states to identify “good practices” that better reconcile national interests with civil rights can bring more success.If traditional intergovernmental mechanisms are failing, let’s find ways to bypass them. States are not the only route to progress. Press investigations, businesses managing their global supply chain, charities tackling modern slavery and environmental standards all have implications for civil rights. They respond to consumers and shareholders rather than voters and their choices can influence elite political preferences, even in authoritarian regimes. In 1961, an article published in the Observer led to the creation of an important civil rights organization.More recently, the transnational media investigation into slavery in the Thai prawn processing market led to major global retailers being exposed, passing pressure on to their Thai suppliers, which were forced to commit to reform. Thai law changed, arrests were made. Serious questions remain about slavery within the industry, but progress has been made. And yet business is still not a central focus of the civil rights system.There are also new technologies available to empower transnational civil society. Though the extent of tech influence can be debated, the Arab spring revealed the rapidity with which the internet can now mobilise action. And yet there has been too little systematic reflection on how this can change the business model of the civil rights system. How, for instance, can a digital world offer greater protection from reprisals and lend voice to civil rights defenders? To be effective, human rights defenders need to be technologically ahead of repressive regimes. And this requires a system with technological capacity.Promoting civil rights in a multipolar world of rising nationalism will not be easy. But the core principles developed over the past 70 years are needed now at least as much as at any time in that period. The system requires innovation, not resignation. It needs us all to work together to overcome collective indifference. The reinvigoration of civil rights must entail a commitment to justice and inalienable rights at every level of society.1. What does the word “supplication” in paragraph one most probably mean?2. What is the author’s attitude toward promoting civil rights?3. According to the passage, which of the following statement is NOT true?4. Which of the following serves best as the last sentence of the passage?5. Which of the following would be the best title of the passage?

Professor Joseph Mifsud once said he was not a Russian spy. Then he vanished and stayed vanished despite multiple attempts by journalists to put pertinent questions to him. Though he is not named in the indictment, prosecutors working for the Mueller inquiry into Russian involvement in Donald Trump’s election allege this ghostly presence, this incredible vanishing man, was the conduit between the Trump foreign policy adviser George Papadopoulos and a Kremlin with “dirt” to share on Hillary Clinton. The rest of us are in the dark. But perhaps not wholly so.Papadopoulos has pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI, and joined the list of officials who would rather send their former friends on the alt-right to jail than go to jail themselves. For his part, the “professor” has at least raised questions about how respectable academic institutions and the highest levels of British politics are open to penetration by kleptomaniac regimes.Anyone who examines Mifsud’s career should be wary of believing a word he says. But on one point he is right. He’s not a traditional spy, if your image of the spy is a brutal cold war colonel from the KGB. He appears to be something altogether more modern.Mifsud is from Malta. He received a Phd from Queen’s University, Belfast in 1995, on how to reform primary school education, and then served as an assistant to a Maltese foreign minister, which I suppose gave him a little experience of diplomacy. In 2008, he popped up at the EMUNI University in Slovenia. It may not be Europe’s most distinguished academic institution, but it was too distinguished for Mifsud. The Times of Malta reported he left in haste after pocketing €39,000 in expenses, including an impressive €13,767 for mobile calls.Where would a man like this head to? Why, dear old London town, of course, where half the oligarchs, thieves, spies, spivs and shits on the planet are welcomed. Mifsud set up the “London Academy of Diplomacy” and boasted to the Washington Diplomat that it was “one of the best diplomatic academies in the world”.Mifsud denies any wrongdoing and is, of course, innocent until proved guilty. Still, when the necessary caveats have been made, I have to say the London Academy of Diplomacy does not look like an elite diplomatic finishing school. It’s my fault, for having a suspicious mind but at first glance it appears to resemble just the type of front organisation an espionage agency would establish.“It felt like something was weird,” Simona Mangiante told the Guardian last week. “I never met any Russians there… But the centre certainly wasn’t what it pretended to be.”Mifsud recruited Mangiante from the European parliament because of her excellent contacts book. Through the academy, she met and fell in love with Papadopoulos. She’s now moved in with him in Chicago, but remembered that, while the academy had an impressive London address in a townhouse overlooking Lincoln’s Inn Fields, behind its doors there was just one table for the staff to work from. They had to supply their own laptops and were wary of the “sneaky” Mifsud.Undeterred by the rickety surroundings, Mifsud quickly found institutions ready to boost his credentials. The University of East Anglia took him on in 2011 and claimed he was a professor, although no one can see how he earned the title. In 2016, he moved to Stirling University, which was delighted that he flew “the University of Stirling flag” at “high-profile” meetings with Putin. You have to have encountered the fierce jealousy with which academics guard their specialisms to realise how unusual it is for two universities to treat Mifsud as an authority on international diplomacy when what expertise he possessed was on early years’ education.I asked Stirling and East Anglia what academic qualifications Mifsud had for the posts they granted him, what checks they had run on his academy and what financial arrangements they had made with him. Britain’s universities are as bad at replying to questions in the public interest as they are at defending freedom of speech. Stirling refused to answer. East Anglia said it might get back to me this week.1.What does paragraph 1 imply?2. What is the most likely reason that Mifsud relocated to the UK?3. The phrase “kleptomaniac regimes” in the second paragraph probably means ________.4. According to the passage, what a kind of professor is Joseph Mifsud?5.What is the author’s opinion?

A new generation of historians is exploring some of the untold stories of the civil rights movement and its legacies: the experiences not of heroes or murderous villains, but of ordinary Southern whites. And their research is challenging some long-held beliefs about the nation’s political realignment and the origins of modern conservatism.This new wave of historians, many of them young, believe that one cannot understand today’s housing, schooling, economic development or political patterns without understanding the mostly apolitical white Southerners of that era. None of these scholars play down the inbred racism of the region, but they argue that the focus on race can obscure broader economic and demographic changes, like the dizzying corporate growth, the migration of white Northerners to the South and the shifting emphasis on class interests after legal segregation ended.The conventional wisdom, said Jacquelyn Hall, director of the Southern Oral History Project at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, is that the general backlash to the civil rights movement “was exported out of the South to the rest of the country,” and that the Republican Party benefited from the shift. But she said a raft of new scholarship is showing “the strength of the Republican Party in the South is linked to the economic boom in the South.” Corporations moved down to the once-solidly Democratic South and brought with them traditional suburban Republican voters. Their interests matched up with a growing neo-conservatism in the North. “What’s going on is much more a regional convergence story as opposed to the South influencing the rest of the country,” she said.Conservative appeals to limit the government’s reach and emphasize individual freedoms resonated not only in the South, but in the North as well, said Joseph Crespino, 35, whose book, “In Search of Another Country: Mississippi and the Conservative Counterrevolution” (Princeton University Press), was just published. The racial and religious conservatism of whites, for instance, “converged in unexpected ways in the fight over federal tax policy toward Southern private schools,” Mr. Crespino writes. He said that while many Southern whites set up “segregation academies” for the sole purpose of avoiding school integration, others were genuinely interested in sending their children to church schools for religious reasons. “By the late ’70s, this issue of defending church schools against harassment by the federal government and the I.R.S.,” Mr. Crespino explained in an interview, led to the “mobilization of evangelical and fundamentalist Christians.” Like Mr. Crespino, Matthew D. Lassiter was motivated to research his own Southern roots. He found a gap between the history he had learned in school and his experience growing up in its wake in Sandy Springs, a white, middle-class suburb of Atlanta. “I was trying to find my own people, my parents and grandparents,” said Mr. Lassiter, 36, who wrote “The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South” (Princeton) published last year. “There were a few white Southerners who were liberals, a larger number throwing the rocks with the rioters and the vast group in the middle was left out of the story.”As a graduate student at the University of Virginia, he taught undergraduates and assigned the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Letter From Birmingham Jail,” in which he wrote, “I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride towards freedom is not the White Citizen’s Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to ‘order’ than justice.” Mr. Lassiter, who now teaches history at the University of Michigan, said: “Who are these moderates? They don’t seem to be participating, yet they’re completely complicit in the system of Jim Crow.”Mr. Lassiter’s book looks at how the federal government subsidized white flight to the suburbs, where middle-class whites could embrace colorblind values but still maintain all-white enclaves and schools. “When you look at suburbs and middle class, then you start getting a national story,” he said. “White suburbs outside Charlotte are reacting the same as white suburbs outside Los Angeles or in New Jersey.”That Southern whites have become the leading edge of academic research is not all that surprising, Mr. Crespino explained: “The first generation of scholarship looked at key figures and key organizations. The second generation focused on recovering the roots of the movement, and telling the story of African-Americans.”Taylor Branch, the Pulitzer Prize-winning author of a trilogy on King, suggested that another reason for the long neglect of this group has been the difficulty in getting ordinary white Southerners to tell their stories. “I do think that subject is one of the harder ones to write about because those people are quite reticent and not that prominent,” he said, referring to people he knew from his own childhood growing up in Atlanta. The subject of civil rights made “otherwise intelligent people seem evasive.”James C. Cobb, a senior historian at the University of Georgia, has written several books about the South and praises the new scholarship. Although he said some people may perceive this work as an apologia, there is now generally “more ideological leeway to go back and see how white people behaved during this period.” Still, he warned, “You have to be very careful” not to make this inquiry a justification of veiled racism. “We can go overboard in downplaying the racial angle,” he said. After all, while opposition to busing may not stem racism, he said, the effects on blacks are the same.Although the scholarly books published in the last couple of years focus on widely different areas—metropolitan power centers, rural backwaters, employment practices, schools—nearly all make the same point: The idea that the South is exceptional, a region apart from the rest of the country, is no longer true. Though the thesis discomfits some professors of Southern history, Mr. Kruse argues “a lot of those regional differences have really dropped out the closer we get to the present day.”1. What is the attitude of the author?2. Why are White Southerners reserved in telling their side of the story about civil rights?3. The writer argues that “Racism” in US .4. What is the best title for this passage?5. According to the writer, the most significant impediment for African-Americans to reach their freedom is .

In his 1978 book The Emperor: The Downfall of an Autocrat, an account of the final years of the reign of Haile Selassie I, Polish writer Jaroslaw Kapuściński invented a new subgenre of political reportage. Kapuściński himself called his work “literary reportage”. In the English-speaking world, his genre is sometimes characterized as “magic journalism”. In a series of linked, interpolated testimonies from former Ethiopian court officials he created an arresting picture of the accelerating collapse of an authoritarian regime.This was a story that had special resonance for his audience in Poland, where dissent against its autocracy was growing. The Emperor was also the book that established Kapuściński’s reputation in the West. When it appeared in English translation in 1983 it was an immediate critical success. Questions about the reliability of Kapuściński’s reportage begin with The Emperor. His informants here are mainly former Ethiopian court servants labouring under anonymising initials, making them sound curiously like characters in an eighteenth-century English novel. Only one of those who assisted him is given a full name (that, we are told, is because he is safely dead), yet the power of the book derives to a large extent from the fact that the story is told almost entirely through the transcribed speech of these unnamed witnesses. Their antiquated cadences have a mesmeric quality. With courtly unctuousness they speak of “His Venerable Majesty”, “His Most Virtuous Highness”, “His Benevolent Majesty, “His Sublime Majesty”, “His Charitable Majesty”, “His Exalted Majesty”, “His Indefatigable Majesty”, “His Masterful Highness”, “Our Omnipotent Ruler”. These expressions of fealty acquire an air of increasing irony as the excesses of the imperial court are borne in on the reader. It is a subtle piece of reportorial rhetoric, yet native speakers of Amharic say that these honorifics correspond to no known expressions in their language. In particular, they say, they could not occur in the formal registers of speech that were employed at the court, where there were only one or two acceptable forms of address for the Emperor. So it seems these resonant phrases cannot have been spoken as transcribed. Some of the ceremonial titles that Kapuściński gives his sources are invented too. In the absence of proper names these inventions may be held to cast further doubt on the actual existence of these informants.What Kapuściński and his unnamed translators created in The Emperor was a brilliant device, rumors rather than transcription, an imaginary archaic language, with touches of comic opera, one that bespeaks homage while conveying subversion. It falls short, though, of both scholarly and journalistic standards of verity, or even of verisimilitude. In answer to such criticisms it has been argued that The Emperor is not meant to be about Ethiopia at all, that it is an allegory of autocratic power in Poland. Certainly, the book is informed and deepened by such parallels; and its reception among literati in the West was conditioned by an awareness of its doubly exotic origin—a book about a far-off country by an author who was himself rara avis, a master of the new journalism sprung miraculously from within the Soviet bloc. Some apologists for The Emperor have located it, specifically, in a Polish literary genre where dissent masquerades as descriptive prose; and Kapuściński has subsequently endorsed this interpretation. Yet there is no indication in the book itself that it is meant to be read as an allegory—or as a traveller’s tale, or a parable (one in the same genre, say, as Samuel Johnson’s Rasselas the legendary Abyssinian king, or the mediaeval European stories of Prester John, the Emperor of Ethiopia). Like Kapuściński’s other books, The Emperor is presented unambiguously as factual reportage and it asserts its claim on the reader’s attention as such. The dearth of other sources on the subject—no member of the Imperial court of Ethiopian survived to write a memoir of Haile Selassie—means that the book would have considerable documentary importance if the information in it could be relied on. At the time of first publication there was, of course, every reason for Kapuściński to maintain the confidentiality of any living sources he might have.1.The aim of the author is to suggest that .2. Despite the facts that The Emperor is unambiguously presented as factual reportage, the book should be read as .3. The Emperor refers to .4. Baroque description, exaggeration and hyperbole may be regarded as exemplary in .5. This passage most likely takes the form of .

For years the Vancouver aquarium fended off pressure from animal right activists, local government and residents, arguing instead that whales and dolphins were central to its mission. But this week the tourist attraction gave in _1_ public pressure, and announced that it would end the practice of keeping cetaceans in _2_.“It had become a local hot topic, to the point where it was just hijacking _3_ else,” said John Nightingale, the aquarium’s president.“As much as we understand the tremendous value that an animal like a beluga whale brought to our mission… public _4_ had gotten to the point where it was just preventing us from moving forward on so many other parts of our mission.”The decision follows years of _5_ in the western Canadian city. In May—after two beluga whales died just weeks apart—municipal authorities voted to ban the aquarium from bringing in new cetaceans.The aquarium _6_ to fight back, citing plans for a C$20m Arctic exhibit _7_ belugas and the educational and awareness opportunities offered _8_ the captive cetaceans. But public opinion continued to shift, _9_ galvanised by the deaths of five cetaceans within a 15-month span. Along with the two beluga whales who were found to have died due to an unknown toxin, the facility lost a false killer whale to a bacterial infection, and two harbour porpoises, one to pulmonary _10_ and the other of an unknown cause._11_ the facility is home to just one cetacean: Helen, a Pacific white-sided dolphin _12_ partial flippers. Believed to be in her 30s, Helen has spent more than decade at the aquarium after she was found _13_ in a fishing net in Japan.The aquarium said it would weigh its options for the lone dolphin in the coming months although, neither of the solutions being considered are perfect, said Nightingale. The facility could bring in a companion animal to stay with her as long as she lives—which would _14_ this week’s announcement—or potentially risk her health by sending her to another facility._15_ being sought is for the aquarium’s _16_ cetacean rescue program. While more than 99% of rescues are returned to the wild, some cannot be, Nightingale said. The aquarium wants to be allowed to _17_ these animals in its display pools as they wait for them to be moved to their new homes.The announcement was welcomed across the country by animal rights campaigners, who described it as the _18_ of a decades-long battle.Marineland in Niagara Falls, Ontario is now believed to be the only other facility in the country that houses cetaceans, _19_ on its website of the “largest collection of beluga whales in the world”.“The Vancouver Aquarium appears to have finally accepted that whale and dolphin captivity is no longer socially acceptable in Canada,” said Camille Labchuk of Animal Justice. “The writing is on the wall _20_ the whale and dolphin captivity industry.”

贫困的广泛存在严重妨碍人权的充分实现和享有。减缓和消除贫困，是人权保障的重要内容。多年来，中国政府坚持消除贫困、改善民生、逐步实现共同富裕，持续开展以农村扶贫开发为中心的减贫行动，努力实现脱贫致富。

中国是医疗卫生领域国际合作的倡导者、推动者和践行者，始终致力于实现国际人口与发展大会行动纲领，全面落实联合国2030年可持续发展议程特别是健康领域可持续发展目标，积极开展对外医疗援助和全球应急处置，认真履行健康领域国际公约，勇于承担国际人道主义责任。

为刺激经济增长，中国在增加医疗、教育和社保支出方面仍有很大空间。更高和更为精准的财政支出，可以创造就业，强化公共服务，向贫困和脆弱人群提供更好的支持。这有助于提高居民可支配收入和消费，促进经济再平衡。长期来看，这些政策还将提高劳动生产率和中国经济的增长潜力，有助于建立更公平的社会。

阴阳是中国古代的一个哲学概念。最初，阴阳是指日光的向背，即向日光的地方为阳，背日光的地方为阴。后来，这个概念被进一步引申，用以解释自然界中一切相互对应、相互滋生、相互消长、相互转化的事物现象，从而逐渐形成了阴阳学说。

中国过去40年的经济发展是在开放条件下取得的，未来中国经济实现高质量发展也将在更加开放的条件下进行。中国将继续坚持对外开放基本国策，以更加积极的姿态融入经济全球化进程，实行高水平的贸易和投资自由化、便利化政策，与各国构建利益高度融合、彼此相互依存的命运共同体。

Translate the underlined sentences into good Chinese. Present-day philosophers usually envision their discipline as an endeavor that has been, since antiquity, distinct from and superior to any particular intellectual discipline, such as theology or science. (1) Such philosophical concerns as the mind-body problem or, more generally, the nature of human knowledge, they believe, are basic human questions whose tentative philosophical solutions have served as the necessary foundations on which all other intellectual speculation has rested.The basis for this view, however, lies in a serious misinterpretation of the past, a projection of modern concerns onto past events. (2) The idea of an autonomous discipline called “philosophy”, distinct from and sitting in judgment on such pursuits as theology and science turns out, on close examination, to be of quite recent origin.When, in the seventeenth century, Descartes and Hobbes rejected medieval philosophy, they did not think of themselves, as modern philosophers do, as proposing a new and better philosophy, but rather as furthering “the warfare between science and theology.” They were fighting, albeit discreetly, to open the intellectual world to the new science and to liberate intellectual life from ecclesiastical philosophy and envisioned their work as contributing to the growth, not of philosophy, but of research in mathematics and physics. (3) This link between philosophical interests and scientific practice persisted until the nineteenth century, when decline in ecclesiastical power over scholarship and changes in the nature of science provoked the final separation of philosophy from both.(4) The demarcation of philosophy from science was facilitated by the development in the early nineteenth century of a new notion, that philosophy’s core interest should be epistemology, the general explanation of what it means to know something.Modern philosophers now trace that notion back at least to Descartes and Spinoza, but it was not explicitly articulated until the late eighteenth century, by Kant, and did not become built into the structure of academic institutions and the standard self-descriptions of philosophy professors until the late nineteenth century. Without the idea of epistemology, the survival of philosophy in an age of modern science is hard to imagine. Metaphysics, philosophy’s traditional core—considered as the most general description of how the heavens and the earth are put together—had been rendered almost completely meaningless by the spectacular progress of physics. Kant, however, by focusing philosophy on the problem of knowledge, managed to replace metaphysics with epistemology, and thus to transform the notion of philosophy as “queen of sciences” into the new notion of philosophy as a separate, foundational discipline. (5) Philosophy became “primary” no longer in the sense of “highest” but in the sense of “underlying”. After Kant, philosophers were able to reinterpret seventeenth-and eighteenth-century thinkers as attempting to discover “How is our knowledge possible?” and to project this question back even on the ancients.

Directions: Write a 100-120-word summary of the article in this part.

Directions: Some sentences have been removed in the following text. Choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the blanks. There are two extra choices which do not fit in any of the blanks.You already know it’s bad. 1. You already know that your children, and your children’s children, if they are reckless or brave enough to reproduce, face a vista of rising seas, vanishing coastal cities, storms, wildfires, biblical floods. As someone who reads the news and is sensitive to the general mood of the times, you have a general sense of what we’re looking at. 2. David Wallace-Wells, author of the distressingly titled The Uninhabitable Earth, is here to tell you that you do not. “It is,” as he puts it in the book’s first line, “worse, much worse, than you think.”The book expands on a viral article, also titled The Uninhabitable Earth, which Wallace-Wells published in the summer of 2017, and which frightened the life out of everyone who read it. 3. The book’s longest section, entitled Elements of Chaos, is composed of 12 short and brutal chapters, each of which foretells a specific dimension of our forecast doom, and whose titles alone—Heat Death; Dying Oceans; Unbreathable Air; Plagues of Warming—are enough to induce an honest-to-God panic attack.Wallace-Wells identifies a tendency, even among those of us who think we are already sufficiently terrified of the future, to be strangely complacent about the figures. 4. “That so many feel already acclimated to the prospect of a near-future world with dramatically higher oceans,” he writes, “should be as dispiriting and disconcerting as if we’d already come to accept the inevitability of extended nuclear war—because that is the scale of devastation the rising oceans will bring.”The book is extremely effective in shaking the reader out of that complacency. 5. The margins of my review copy of the book are scrawled with expressions of terror and despair, declining in articulacy as the pages proceed, until it’s all just cartoon sad faces and swear words.A. There is a widespread inclination to think of climate change as a form of compound payback for two centuries of industrial capitalism.B. Some things I did not want to learn, but learned anyway: every return flight from London to New York costs the Arctic three square metres of ice; for every half degree of warming, societies see between a 10 and 20% increase in the likelihood of armed conflict; global plastic production is expected to triple by 2050, by which point there will be more plastic than fish in the planet’s oceans.C. Yes, we know that climate change will cause sea level rises of between four to eight feet before the end of this century, but then again what’s a few feet if you happen to live a couple of miles inland?D. There’s also a temptation, when thinking about climate change, to focus on denialism as the villain of the piece.E. You already know the weather has gone weird, the ice caps are melting, the insects are disappearing from the Earth.F. Writing at length, he is even more remorseless in his delineation of what the not nearly distant enough future probably holds for us.G. But do you truly understand the scale of the tribulations we face?

Last week, universities in England were preparing reports on how they have diversified their student populations. These reports will be submitted to the director of fair access at the Office for Students. My university, King’s College London, will report, happily, that our undergraduate intake is now 77% state school, more than 52% ethnic minority and has the fastest growing population of low-income students in the Russell Group.And what has made all this progress and vital work possible? The very thing that many believe to be the enemy of educational opportunity: tuition fees.When, in 2012, the coalition government introduced the then £9,000 fee regime, what’s little known is that it came with serious regulatory machinery to secure gains in access and participation. As a result, higher tuition fees have leveraged £800m into schemes and bursaries for poorer students.The system, then, acts in a redistributive way. Alongside the poorest, its beneficiaries include refugees, forced migrants, care leavers and “estranged students” (those not supported by their parents). Thanks to the tuition fee regime, programmes designed to widen intake are now delivered at every single university. Education centres, homework clubs, tutoring by PhD students, summer schools and teacher training events are just some of the initiatives under way across the country. It’s a shame that this work does not feature more in the debates the Augar review of post-18 education funding in England.The 2016 Labour party manifesto proposed the abolition of tuition fees, while there are suggestions that the Augar review will recommend a significant reduction. Both proposals endanger vital widening participation resources and infrastructure. In fact, without compensatory safeguards, universities will have to dismantle programmes and initiatives, and dismiss staff who support students to fulfil their ambitions. The loss will be massive and will hurt a generation of young people and their communities.In the past few decades, there has been a transformation in who gets to become a graduate. Now, more than one in three 18-year-olds are studying in higher education. Entry rates have increased in 95% of parliamentary constituencies since 2006. And perhaps, most hearteningly, in 2017 English pupils receiving free school meals were 83% more likely to go to university than they were in 2006.However, this picture does vary by region. While in 2017 41.8% of 18-year-olds in London went to university, only 28.9% of the same population in the south-west and 30.3% in the north-east did. In terms of undergraduates from black and minority ethnic groups, the numbers rose by 38% between 2007-08 and 2015-16.While widening participation is concerned with all university attendees, the fair access debate focuses on who gets to study at the most selective institutions. Here, progress has been much slower. Access to Oxbridge, for instance, is moving at glacial speed, though there are green shoots, with programmes such as the Lady Margaret Hall foundation year and University College Oxford’s Opportunity Programme showing some lateral thinking. Change must come at these universities—and others not performing well that still seem to avoid the glare of press scrutiny.But if you abolish tuition fees you also abolish the cash that provides the means to support low-income and underrepresented students. And there is scant evidence that higher fees have deterred less-advantaged young people.There are less drastic changes that would help. These include a recasting of the current regime as a graduate tax to relieve the sense of debt burden, a grace period on interest rates while studying and a block on early repayment. Most fundamentally, a reintroduction of maintenance grants to the poorest learners gives a powerful message that the government wants these students to go to university and significantly reduces the strain of their living costs.When the fruits of higher education are fairly distributed, I will be happy to see a free system. Until that day, tuition fees are a smart and socially just way to ensure the widest range of students.1. What might be the best title of the passage?2. What does “bursaries” mean in paragraph 3?3. What does the author refer to by “the fruits of higher education” in the last paragraph?4.What does paragraph 2 mean?5. What can be inferred from the passage?

暂未登录

学员用户尊享特权

老师批改作业做题助教答疑学员专用题库高频考点梳理

上一页 3 4 5 6 7 8 下一页