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Generation JoblessThe number of young people out of work globally is nearly as big as the population of the United States"YOUNG people ought not to be idle. It is very bad for them," said Margaret Thatcher in 1984. She was right: there are few worse things that society can do to its young than to leave them in limbo.1. Those who start their careers on the dole are more likely to have lower wages and more spells of joblessness later in life, because they lose out on the chance to acquire skills and self-confidence in their formative years.Yet more young people are idle than ever. OECD figures suggest that 26m 15- to 24-year-oids in developed countries are not in employment, education or training; the number of young people without a job has risen by 30% since 2007. The International Labour Organisation reports that 75m young people globally are looking for a job. World Bank surveys suggest that 262m young people in emerging markets are economically inactive. Depending on how you measure them, the number of young people without a job is nearly as large as the population of America (311m).2. Two factors play a big part. First, the long slowdown in the West has reduced demand for labour, and it is easier to put off hiring young people than it is to fire older workers. Second, in emerging economies population growth is fastest in countries with dysfunctional labour markets, such as India and Egypt.The result is an "are of unemployment", from southern Europe through north Africa and the Middle East to South Asia, where the rich world's recession meets the poor world's youth quake. The anger of the young jobless has already burst onto the streets in the Middle East. Violent crime, generally in decline in the rich world, is rising in Spain, Italy and Portugal—countries with startlingly high youth unemployment.Will growth give them a job?The most obvious way to tackle this problem is to reignite growth. That is easier said than done in a world plagued by debt, and is anyway only a partial answer. The countries where the problem is worst (such as Spain and Egypt) suffered from high youth unemployment even when their economies were growing.3. Throughout the recession companies have continued to complain that they cannot find young people with the fight skills. This underlines the importance of two other solutions: reforming labour markets and improving education. These are familiar prescriptions, but ones that need to be delivered with both a new vigour and a new twist.Youth unemployment is often at its worst in countries with rigid labour markets. Cartelised industries, high taxes on hiring, strict rules about firing, high minimum wages: all these help condemn young people to the street comer. South Africa has some of the highest unemployment south of the Sahara, in part because it has powerful trade unions and rigid rules about hiring and firing. Many countries in the are of youth unemployment have high minimum wages and heavy taxes on labour. India has around 200 laws on work and pay.Deregulating labour markets is thus central to tackling youth unemployment. But it will not be enough on its own. Britain has a flexible labour market and high youth unemployment. In countries with better records, governments tend to take a more active role in finding jobs for those who are struggling. Germany, which has the second-lowest level of youth unemployment in the rich world, pays a proportion of the wages of the long term unemployed for the first two years. The Nordic countries provide young people with "personalised plans" to get them into employment or training. But these policies are too expensive to reproduce in southern Europe, with their millions of unemployed, let alone the emerging world.4. A cheaper approach is to reform labour-hungry bits of the economv—for example, by making it easier for small businesses to get licences, or construction companies to get approval for projects, or shops to stay open in the evening.The graduate glutAcross the OECD, people who left school at the earliest opportunity are twice as likely to be unemployed as university graduates. But it is unwise to conclude that governments should simply continue with the established policy of boosting the number of people who graduate from university. In both Britain and the United States many people with expensive liberal-arts degrees are finding it impossible to get decent jobs. In north Africa university graduates are twice as likely to be unemployed as non-graduates.5. What matters is not just number of years of education people get, but its content. This means expanding the study of science and technology and closing the gap between the world of education and the world of work—for example by upgrading vocational and technical education and by forging closer relations between companies and schools. Germany’s long-established system of vocational schooling and apprenticeships does just that. Other countries are following suit: South Korea has introduced “meister” schools, Singapore has boosted technical colleges, and Britain is expanding apprenticeships and trying to improve technical education.Closing the gap will also require a change of attitude from business. Some companies, ranging from IBM and Rolls-Royce to McDonald’s and Premier Inn, are revamping their training programmes, but the fear that employees will be poached discourages firms from investing in the young. There are ways of getting around the problem: groups of employers can co-operate with colleges to design training courses, for example.6. Technology is also reducing the cost of training: programmes designed around computer games can give youngsters some virtual experience, and online courses can help apprentices combine on-the-job training with academic instruction.The problem of youth unemployment has been getting worse for several years. But there are at last some reasons for hope.7. Governments are trying to address the mismatch between education and the labour market. Companies are beginning to take more responsibility for investing in the young. And technology is helping democratise education and training. The world has a real chance of introducing an education-and-training revolution worthy of the scale of the problem.

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The concept of "civil society" has played a central role in the recent global debate about the preconditions for democracy and democratization. In the newer democracies this phrase has properly focused attention on the need to foster a vibrant civic life in soils traditionally inhospitable to self-government. In the established democracies, ironically, growing numbers of citizens are questioning the effectiveness of their public institutions at the very moment when liberal democracy has swept the battlefield, both ideologically and geopolitically. In America, at least, there is reason to suspect that this democratic disarray may be linked to a broad and continuing erosion of civic engagement that began a quarter-century ago. High on our scholarly agenda should be the question of whether a comparable erosion of social capital may be under way in other advanced democracies, perhaps in different institutional and behavioral guises. High on America's agenda should be the question of how to reverse these adverse trends in social connectedness, thus restoring civic engagement and civic trust.In Bowling Alone (2000) Putnam followed up with a comprehensive exploration of a substantial array of data sources. The evidence began to look convincing. First in the realm of civic engagement and social connectedness he was able to demonstrate that, for example, over the last three decades of the twentieth century there had been a Fundamental shift in:Political and civic engagement. Voting: political knowledge, political trust, and grassroots political activism am all down. Americans sign 30 per cent fewer petitions and are 40 per cent less likely to join a consumer boycott, as compared to just a decade or two ago. The declines are equally visible in non-political community life: membership and activity in all sorts of local clubs and civic and religious organizations have been falling at an accelerating pace. In the mid -1970s the average American attended some club meeting every month, by 1998 that rate of attendance had been cut by nearly 60 per cent.Informal social ties. In 1975 the average American entertained friends at home 15 times per year; the equivalent figure (1998) is now barely half that. Virtually all leisure activities that involve doing something with someone else, from playing volleyball to playing chamber music, are declining.Tolerance and trust. Although Americans are more tolerant of one another than were previous generations, they trust one another less. Survey data provide one measure of the growth of dishonesty and distrust, but there are other indicators. For example, employment opportunities for police, lawyers, and security personnel were stagnant for most of this century-indeed, America had fewer lawyers per capita in 1970 than in 1900. In the last quarter century these occupations boomed, as people have increasingly turned to the courts and the police.He went on to examine the possible reasons for this decline. Crucially, he was able to demonstrate that some favorite candidates for blame could not be regarded as significant. Residential mobility had actually been declining for the last half of the century. Time pressure, especially on two-career families, could only be a marginal candidate. Some familiar themes remained though:Changes in family structure (i.e. with more and more people living alone), are a possible element as conventional avenues to civic involvement are not well-designed for single and childless people. Suburban sprawl has fractured the spatial integrity of people’s. They travel much further to work, shop and enjoy leisure opportunities. As a result there is less time available (and less inclination) to become involved in groups. Suburban sprawl is a very significant contributor.Electronic entertainment, especially television, has profoundly privatized leisure time. The time we spend watching television is a direct drain upon involvement in groups and social capital building activities. It may contribute up to 40 per cent of the decline in involvement in groups.However, generational change came out as a very significant factor. A “long civic generation," born in the first third of the twentieth century, is now passing from the American scene. "Their children and grandchildren (baby boomers and Generation X-ers) are much less engaged in most forms of community life. For example, the growth in volunteering over the last ten years is due almost entirely to increased volunteering by retirees from the long civic generation". The book also explores the consequences of a decline in social capital (and the benefits enjoyed by those communities with a substantial stock of it), and what can be done.Various criticisms can be mounted against the argument - and most tellingly, initially, against the data and its interpretation - however, Putnam has mounted a very significant and sustained case here - but it is still open to various criticisms.1. According to the text, which one of the following statement is true?2. Which position was NOT stagnant for most of this century according to Putnam’s exploration?3. What is the change on signing petitions and joining boycotts in America?4. How does the family structure influence people's civic involvement?5. Which of the following can best describe authors’ opinion on Putnam's exploration?

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After the Boston Marathon bombings, the process by which breaking news and information are generated and disseminated looked more ragged and exposed than ever: CNN stumbled, the New York Post painted a target on a high-school track athlete; Reddit launched a failed hunt for the bombers; and the name of Sunil Tripathi, a missing Brown student, trended on Twitter for all the wrong reasons.The issue, in part, is velocity: news has never moved faster than it does now, and few events of the past several years have captured America’s attention like the Boston bombings. Every new bit of information was instantly, indiscriminately sucked into the media vacuum. If there is a medium of this moment, it is Twitter.Twitter's intrinsic, relentless driving of the new makes it the quintessential medium of breaking news, particularly combined with its capacity for spreading that news with breathtaking ease. By clicking "retweet,’ you can re-broadcast a tweet from somebody to all of your followers. A tweet, and the information it contains, can go viral in seconds. So can misinformation, as countless celebrities killed by Twitter can attest. And the mechanics of Twitter offer only awkward partial solutions to that problem. The Wired writer Mat Honan, like many others, re-blasted a tweet referring to Sunil Tripathi as "Suspect #2" in the Boston bombings. That information was gravely wrong, but, as Honan describes, there was little he could do to prevent it from self-perpetuating.Deeply disturbed by this inability to correct viral misinformation, Honan proposes that Twitter should have a correction mechanism that allows users to edit and rebroadcast tweets after they are posted. The original tweet would remain intact within the corrected tweet, so it would not simply vanish into a hole; there would be accountability. This impulse to regulate the information economy of Twitter and ensure that data and news is as correct as possible is understandable. But it would ruin Twitter as we know it. For all of the ways in which Twitter has evolved since its creation, in 2006, when it was known as “twttr,” what has not changed is how profoundly Twitter relies on nowness. Nowness is not simply newness, or the new: the question Twitter used to ask of users when they went to compose a tweet, “What’s happening?” is a direct inquiry about the state of now. Twitter’s intense focus on immediacy has manifested in many small ways—for instance, users can only see their three thousand most recent tweets (and the service only recently added the ability for users to download their entire Twitter archive and conduct searches of tweets from the past). But, most important, when a user logs into Twitter, what they see is a raw, unfiltered stream, with the newest content at the very top. Facebook, by contrast, shows users a curated feed; the top of the feed is not what's new, it is what the algorithms think is best.Twitter as a medium is so intently bound to the now that introducing content not of this moment is disruptive—it’s actually something of a prank to resurface someone’s tweets from the distant past, either by retweeting or favoriting them. My friend and I did that to each other yesterday, retweeting a series of stuff from several months ago; they arrived in my feed and hers, ripped away from any sense of context. It felt embarrassing. (This works, though slightly less powerfully, on other social networks that utilize streams and emphasize the present.)One of the ways we're learning to deal with the trade-offs inherent to real-time streams is a burgeoning self-awareness of their potential to spread misinformation in half a heartbeat. A mechanism that purports to make that stream more accurate—even though a corrections button would not fully prevent bad information from spreading —would lull us toward a more complacent, less critical view of that stream. As Nick Kallen, a former systems engineer at Twitter, writes, "We're dealing with a new medium. It has some aspects of conversation, and some of broadcast, some aspects of live television, and some of (an edited) newspaper. But it is none of these things all at the same time."Twitter is now, all the time.1. Which of the following best describe the essence of Twitter according to the text?2. Honan's proposition on Twitter indicates that()3. What is the main difference between Twitter and Facebook according to the text?4. Why does the author say "it’s actually something of a prank to resurface someone’s tweets from the distant past”?5. Which of the following best describes author’s opinion?

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Journalists usually refer to what they write as stories. Not articles or reports, occasionally pieces, but stories. This does not apply only to reporters but to everybody in the editorial chain, from desk editors, copy editors, specialist and sports writers to the editor him or herself. Words published in newspapers, on air or online are stories.Stories sound interesting; reports sound dull. To some, stories mean fiction: "Tell me a story, mummy”. Stories are tall and short, made up and true. True stories are about what happened. We tell stories in conversation, recounting experiences and events in which we took part or observe. The crucial thing about a story is that other people want to hear it, because it is interesting or entertaining. Otherwise the storyteller is a bore.So journalists write stories for their readers to tell them what is going on, to inform them, engage them, entertain them, shock them, amuse them, disturb them, uplift them. The subject matter will vary according to the nature of the publication and the intended audience. The good newspaper editor will have a clear idea of the sort of people who are reading it, and cater to their interests and preoccupations, sometimes their prejudices. And the paper will include that vital ingredient serendipity - the story you didn’t expect, the "just fancy that", the absurdities as well as the travails of the human condition.Journalism is basically a simple game. It is about finding things out and telling other people about them. The finding out requires a variety of skills because those in power often prefer that we know only so much. Journalism is about holding such people to account, exposing their humbug and hypocrisy, the abuse of their power. This includes the control it gives them over the flow of information, the ability to bury the bad news, to spin and obfuscate. Good journalists must ask the awkward questions and question the answers, must dig to unearth and then explain, making comprehensible that which authority, by intent or verbal inadequacy, has left confused, incomplete or plain mendacious. Incomprehensible journalism is quite simply bad journalism, and therefore pointless.Ultimately there is only one purpose: to make the reader read the story. If they don't, what was the point of finding it out and telling it? This booklet picks up the story when the reader has reached the stage of deciding to address the story. That is not the same as reading it, or even reading a certain amount of it. They have just reached the first word, perhaps attracted by the picture, the extracted quote, or any of the other presentational devices used to drag the reader to the story. We have reached the stage where the reader is going to subject the story to the final test, reading some or all of in. This is about writing.Newspaper reading is different from reading a book. It is selective, does not involve commitment to the whole. Relatively little time is spent reading a daily newspaper. The newspaper reader, unlike the reader of the more literary novel, does not expect to invest effort in the endeavour. He or she will not read a sentence or paragraph a second time to be clear about what is being said. Confusion, more often than not, will mean abandoning the story altogether and moving on. Many newspaper readers skim, sample or get a flavour of a story rather than reading it through.So journalistic writing is different from creative writing. Many young people think they would like to be journalists because they have "always loved writing” or started writing poems when they were eight. It is certainly not enough and may well be a barrier to success in journalism. The late Nicholas Tomalin famously wrote that "the only qualities essential for real success in journalism are rat-like cunning, a plausible manner, and a little literary ability." He included writing, but he placed it third and prefaced it with a diminutive. The writing matters; but don't think of it as art. Think of it as working writing, writing doing a job, writing that puts across information in a way that makes readers want to absorb it.At a time when the vast majority of entrants to journalism have degrees — welcome because journalism in a complex world is an intellectual pursuit it is worth pointing out that writing for newspapers is also very different from the academic writing of student essays. No time to produce a route map for the essay and reach the point somewhere near the end; the journalist must grab the attention at once.It is difficult to write simply and engagingly, so that readers will keep reading; to explain so that all the readers understand, and want to. This is the task the writing journalist has.1. Which of the following is mostly used by journalists to describe the pieces they write?2. What should a good newspaper editor do according to the text?3. The quote of Nicholas Tomalin is used to express that()4. Which of the following is NOT a difference between newspaper reading and book reading?5. What is the final purpose for journalistic writing according to the text?

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With a population of 320,000 -just one tenth that of the Beijing district where it keeps its embassy to China-Iceland has recently become an object of inordinate interest to Chinese policymakers. The two nations signed a free-trade agreement on April 15th, China's first with any European nation. But with the inherently tiny potential of Iceland’s market, and the lack of any roundabout low-tariff access to other European markets through this deal, trade alone cannot account for China's infatuation with Iceland.The more likely attraction for China is access to improving shipping routes through the Arctic as that region warms due to climate charge. Last month, one of China's top experts on polar policy predicted that, by 2020, as much as 15% of his country’s trade would move through the Arctic's Northern Sea Route. Even if that estimate is exaggerated, there is no reason to doubt that continued shrinking of Arctic ice cover will enhance the area’s importance.Like South Korea and Japan, China hopes next month to be approved for permanent observer status on the Arctic Council, an eight-member intergovernmental body that seeks to co-ordinate policy for the area. But odd-looking effort by a Chinese developer to build an "eco-golf course" and luxury resort on a 300 square km tract in Iceland’s desolate north-east comer also aroused suspicions about China's strategic intentions in the region. The logic behind the proposal to create a haven of solitude and clean air for wealthy Chinese visitors failed to convince Icelandic officials, who did not agree to waive restrictions against foreign ownership of land.The new trade agreement, signed during a five-day visit to China by Iceland’s prime minister, Johanna Sigurdardottir, will result in the waiver in coming years of most tariffs, in the two countries' bilateral trade, which last year rose to $424m, by Iceland’s reckoning.But for China, the ability to import more Icelandic fish with lower tariff duties would seem to pale in comparison to the importance of enhancing its influence in the region.According to Anne-Marie Brady, an expert at New Zealand’s University of Canterbury, current arrangements leave China shut out of multilateral decision-making about the changing Arctic environment. The desire to have a greater say, and assert its legitimate interests in the region, she recently wrote, is behind a curious new bit of official phraseology. China’s own experts have taken to calling it a "near Arctic state."1. What is the population of Beijing according to the text?2. Why is it important for China to improve shipping routes through the Arctic?3. Which of the following is NOT a permanent observer state of the Arctic Council?4. According to the text, the phrase "near Arctic state” indicates that( ).5. Which of the following statements is true according to the text?

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