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We have no idea if online ads workIn the summer of 2003, Viacom executive Mel Karmazin managed to sum up old media’s horror of the Internet with one of business lore’s greatest vulgar on-liners. Karmazin, a swaggering former ad salesman and onetime CBS Corporation president, had made an expedition to check out Silicon Valley's hottest young upstart: Google. Sitting in the future search giant’s offices, he listened in dismay as its founders, Larry Page and Sergey Brin, and its CEO, Eric Schmidt, detailed the many ways their company could track and analyze the effectiveness of online advertising. This could not possibly be good for business, Karmazin thought, 1.It had always been nearly impossible for marketers to tell which of their ads worked and which didn’t and the less they knew, the more a network like CBS could charge for a 30-second spot. Art was far more profitable than science.A decade later, someone finally seems to be, well, messing with Google's own bag of tricks. Last year, a group of economists working with eBay’s internal research lab issued a massive experimental study with a simple startling conclusion: For a large, well-known brand, search ads are probably worthless. 2. This month, their findings were re-released as a working paper by the National Bureau of Economic Research and greeted with a round of coverage asking whether Internet advertising of any kind works at all.“We know a lot less than the advertising industry would like us to think we know," Steven Tadelis, one of the eBay study’s co-authors, told me.Ask Google. Facebook or Twitter, of course, and they’ll reliably bust out third-party research explaining that their ads work just fine, even if consumers don’t always click on them. An entire ecosystem of analytics companies, including big names like ComScore and Nielsen, has evolved to tell clients which online advertisements give them the biggest bang for their bucks, Especially cutting-edge firms, such as Dialogic. Have even found ways to draw correlations between the ads consumers see online and what they buy in stores. We are swimming in data. 3.And there are plenty of professionals out there happy to tell corporate America what all that data means, with the help of some fancy mathematical models.The problem, according to Tadelis and others, is that much of the data websites generate is more or less useless. Some of the problems are practically as ole as marking itself. For instance, companies like to run large ad campaigns during major shopping seasons, like Christmas. But if sales double come December, it’s hard to say whether the ad or the holiday was responsible. Companies also understandably like to target audiences they think will like what they’re selling. But that always leads to the nagging question of whether the customer would have gone and purchased the product regardless. Economists call this issue “endogeneity.” Derek Thompson at the Atlantic dubs it the I-was-gonna-buy-it-anyway problem.”But the Internet also gunks up attempts at analysis in its own special ways. For instance, if somebody searches for “Amazon, banana slicer,” and clicks on a search ad that pops up right next to his results, chances are he would have made it to Amazon’s site without the extra nudge. Even if he never typed the word Ainzaon, he still might have gotten to the site through the natural power of search. 4.In the end, it all comes down to the evergreen challenge of distinguishing correlation (e.g a Faccebook user saw an ad and then bought some shoes) from causation (e.g., a Facebook user bought some shoes because he saw an ad).There is, however, a way to get around these hurdles. Run analytics companies don’t do that, relying instead on elaborate statistical regressions that try to flawed data. But it’s the route Tapeless—now a business professor at the University of California, Berkeley—and his collaborators took with eBay. 5. In their first test, the researchers looked at what would happen if the company stopped buying ads next to its own name, which seemed like the most obvious waste of money. To do so, they pulled the ads from Yahoo and MSN but left them running on Google. It turned out, the advertising made virtually no difference. Yet eBay was spending dollars every time a customer clicked an ad instead of the link sitting right below it.

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Various studies have shown that increased spending on education has not led to measurable improvements in learning. Between 1980 and 2008, staff and teachers at US public schools grew roughly twice as fast as students. Yet students showed no additional learning in achievement tests.Universities show similar trends of increased administration personnel and costs without greater learning, as documented in Richard Arum and Josipa Roksa’s recent book Academically Adrift: Limited Learning on College Campuses.A survey shows that 63% of employers say that recent college graduates don’t have the skills they need to succeed and 25% of employers say that entry-level writing skills are lacking.Some simplistically attribute the decline in our public education system to the drain of skilled students by private schools, but far more significant events were at work.Public schools worked well until about the 1970s. In fact, until that time, public schools provided far better education that private ones. It was the under-performing students who were thrown out of public schools and went to private ones.A prominent reason public schools did well was that many highly qualified women had few options for working outside the house other than being teachers or nurses. They accepted relatively low pay, difficult working conditions, and gave their very best.Having such a large supply of talented women teachers meant that society could pay less for their services. Women’s liberation opened up new professional opportunities for women, and, over time, some of the best left teaching as a career option, bringing about a gradual decline in the quality of schooling.Also around that time, regulation government and unions came to dictate pay, prevent adjustments, and introduce bureaucratic standard for advancement. Large education bureaucracies and unions came to dominate the landscape, conflising activity with achievement. Bureaucracies regularly rewrite curriculum, talk nonsense about theories of education, and require even more administrators. The end result has been that, after all the spending, students have worse math and reading skills than both their foreign peers and earlier generations spending far less on educations all the accumulating evidence now documents.1. What do we learn from various studies on America's public education?2. How do some people explain the decline in public education?3. What was the significant contributor to the past glory of public schools?4. Why did some of the best women teachers leave teaching?5. What does the author think is one of the result of government involvement in education?

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I know now that the man who sat with me on the wooden stairs that hot summer night over thirty-five years ago was not a tall man. But to a five-year-old, he was a giant. We sat side by side, watching the sun go down behind the old Texaco service station across the busy street, a street that I was never allowed to cross unless accompanied by an adult, or at the very least, an older sibling.Cherry-scented smoke from Grandpa’s pipe kept the hungry mosquitoes at bay while gray, wispy swirls danced around our heads. Now and again, he blew a smoke ring and laughed as I tried to target the hole with my finger. I, clad in a cool summer night, and Grandpa, his sleeveless T-shirt, sat watching the traffic. We counted cars and tried to guess the colors of the next one to turn the corner:Once again, I was caught in the middle of circumstances, the fourth born of six children, it was not uncommon that I was either too young or too old for something. This night I was both. While my two baby brothers slept inside the house, my three older siblings played with friends around the corner, where I was not allowed to go. I stayed with Grandpa, and that was okay with me. I was where I wanted to be. My grandfather was babysitting while my mother, father and grandmother went out.“Thirsty?” Grandpa asked, never removing the pipe from his mouth.“Yes”, was my reply.“How would you like to run over to the gas station there and get yourself a bottle of Coke?”I couldn’t believe my ears. Had I heard it right? Was he talking to me? On my family’s modest income, Coke was not a part of our budget or diet. A few tantalizing sips was all I had ever had, and certainly never my own bottle.“Okay.” I replied shyly, already wondering how I would get across the street. Surely Grandpa was going to come with me.Grandpa stretched his long leg out straight and reached his huge hand deep into the pocket. I could hear the familiar jangling of the loose change he always carried. Opening his fist, he exposed a mound of silver coins. There must have been a million dollars there. He instructed me to pick out a dime. After he deposited the rest of the change back into his pocket, he stood up.“Okay.” He said, helping me down the stairs and to the curb, “I’m going to stay here and keep an ear out for the babies, I’ll tell you when it’s safe to cross. You go over to the Coke machine, get your Coke and come back out. Wait for me to tell you when it’s safe to cross back.”My heart pounded. I clutched my dime tightly in my sweaty palm. Excitement took my breath away.Grandpa held my hand tightly. Together we looked up the street and down, and back up again. He stepped off the curb and told me it was safe to cross. He let go of my hand and I ran. I ran faster than I had ever run before. The street seemed wide. I wondered if I would make it to the other side. Reaching the other side, I turned to find Grandpa. There he was, standing exactly where left him, smiling proudly. I waved.“Go on, hurry up,” he yelled.My heart pounded wildly as I walked inside the dark garage. I had been inside the garage before with my father, my surroundings were familiar. I heard the Coca-Cola machine motor humming even before I saw it. I walked directly to the big old red-white dispenser. I knew where to insert my dime. I had seen it done before and had fantasized about moment many times.The big old monster greedily accepted my dime, and I heard the bottles shift. On tiptoes I reached up and opened the heavy door. There they were: one neat row of thick green bottles, necks staring directly at me, and ice cold from the refrigeration. I held the door open with my shoulder and grabbed one. With a quick yank, I pulled it free from its bondage. Another one immediately took its place. The bottle was cold in my sweaty hands. I will never forget the feeling of the cool glass on my skin. With two hands, I positioned the bottleneck under the heavy brass opener that was bolted to the wall. The cap dropped into an old wooden box, and I reached in to retrieve it. It was cold and bent in the middle, out I knew I needed to have this souvenir. Coke in hand, I proudly marched back out into the early evening dusk. Grandpa was waiting patiently. He smiled.“Stop right there”, he yelled. One or two cars sped by me, and once again, Grandpa stepped off the curb. “Come on, now” he said, “run.” I did. Cool brown foam sprayed my hands. “Don’t ever do that alone,” he warned, I held the coke bottle tightly; fearful he would make me pour it into a cup, ruining this dream come true. He didn’t. One long swallow of the cold beverage cooled my sweating body. I don’t think I ever felt so proud.1. From the first three paragraphs, we can infer that().2. By saying “I was caught in the middle of circumstances” in the third paragraph, the author means().3. The author’s grandpa was described as being all the following EXCEPT().4. From the passage we can infer that the relationship between the author and his Grandpa was ().5. Which of the following is NOT true, according to the passage?

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When the American psychologist Wayne Oates died in 1999, the New York Times began his obituary by noting two facts. First, the man had authored an astonishing 57 books. Second—and presumably not coincidentally—he had coined the word workaholic. Oates invented the new-ubiquitous term in a 1968 essay, in which he confessed that his own addition to industriousness had been a disorder similar to substance abuse. Of course, he acknowledged, workaholism is much more respectable than drinking a fifth a day—more the sort of personality trait that might help someone, say, earn an obit in the paper record.What precisely, qualifies someone as a workaholic? There’s still no single accepted medical definition. But psychologists have tried to distinguish people merely devoted to their careers from the true addicts. A seminal 1992 paper on how to measure the condition argued that sufferers work not only compulsively but also with little enjoyments. Newer diagnostic tests attempt to single out those who, among other behaviors, binge and then suffer from withdrawal — just as someone would with, say, a gambling or cocaine habit.Even as the precise outlines of workaholism remain a bit fuzzy, various studies have tried to identify its physical and emotional effects. At the risk of carrying on like a Pfizer ad: research has associated it with sleep problems, weight gain, high blood pressure, anxiety, and depression. That is to say nothing of its toll on family members. Perhaps unsurprisingly, spouses of workaholics tend to report unhappiness with their marriages. Having a workaholic parent is hardly better. A study of college undergraduates found that children of workaholics scored 72 percent higher on measures of depression than children of alcoholics. They also exhibited more-severe levels of “prettification" — a term family therapists use for sons and daughters who, as the paper put it, ’’are parents to their own parents and sacrifice their own needs...to accommodate and care for the emotional needs and pursuits of parents or another family member."How many people are true workaholics? One recent estimate suggests that about 10 percent of U.S. adults might qualify; the proportion is as high as 23 percent among lawyers, doctors, and psychologists. Still more people may be inclined to call themselves workaholics, whether or not they actually are: in 1998, 27 percent of Canadians told the country's Social Survey that they were workaholics, including 38 percent of those with incomes over $80,000, (Even among those with no income, 22 percent called themselves workaholics! Presumably some were busy homemakers and students.)The condition may well have a certain social cachet; as the psychologist Bryan Robinson once part in work addition might be “the best-dressed mental health problem” of them all. In one of the rare economics studies on the subject, researchers found that the educated and affluent were much more likely than lower-income Americans to put off retirement, a possible sign of workaholism in addition. Such delayed retirement certainly gives new meaning to the phrase “work to death”. For what it is worth, the concept would not raise many eyebrows in Japan, where grueling job hours have long been a norm, and there is a word for death by overwork-karoshi. The country’s courts have even recognized it as a basis for wrongful-death suits.1. All of the following statements about Wayne Oates are true EXCEPT that().2. What is the definition of workaholics given by the seminal 1992 paper?3. Which of the following result is NOT related to workaholism?4. What can be implied from "whether or not they actually are'’ in the fourth paragraph?5. What is the main idea of this passage?

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When Gina Garro and Brian Duplisea adopted 4-month-old Andres from Colombia last month, they were determined to take time off from work to care for him. Six years ago, after their daughter, Melina, was born, the family scraped by on Duplisea’s $36,000 salary as a construction worker so Garro, a special-education teacher, could stay home. Now, since Garro’s job furnishes the family health insurance, she’ll head back to work this fall while Duplisea juggles diapers and baby bottles. His boss agreed to the time off-but he will have to forgo his $ 18-an-hour pay. It won’t be easy. Though Garro’s $40,000 salary will cover their mortgages, the couple will have to freeze their retirement accounts, scale back on Melina’s after-school activities-and pray that nothing goes wrong with the car. “It takes away from your cushion and your security,” says Garro. “Things will be tight.”The 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act was supposed to help families like Garro’s, offering a safety net to employees who want to take time off to nurture newborns, tend to their own major illnesses or care for sick relatives. But while the law guarantees that workers won’t lost their jobs, it doesn’t cover their paychecks. One survey last year showed that while 24 million Americans had taken leaves since 1999, 2.7 million more wanted to but couldn't afford it. That may change soon. In response to increasing demands from voters at least 25 states are now exploring new ways to offer paid leave. One possibility: tapping state disability funds A handful of states-New York, New Jersey, California, Rhode Island and Hawaii—already dip into disability money to offer partial pay for women on maternity leave. But that doesn’t help dads or people caring for elderly parents. New Jersey and New York may soon expand disability programs to cover leave for fathers and other caretakers. Thirteen states, including Arizona, Illinois and Florida, have proposed using unemployment funds to pay for leave.Massachusetts has been especially creative. When the state's acting governor, Jane Swift, gave birth to twin daughters in May, she drew attention to the issue with her own "working maternity leave": she telecommuted part-time but earned her usual full-time salary. Even before Swift returned to work last week, the state Senate unanimously passed a pilot plan that would use surplus funds from a health-insurance program for the unemployed to give new parents 12 weeks off at half pay. Another plan, proposed in the House, would require employers to kick in $20 per worker to set up a "New Families Trust Fund." Businesses would get tax credits in return. This week Swift is expected to announce her own paid-leave plan for lower-income mothers and fathers. Polls show widespread public support—another reason Swift and other politicians across the country have embraced the issue.Still not everyone's wild about the idea. People without children question why new parents—the first group to get paid leave under many of the proposed plans—should get more government perks than they do. Business groups are resistant to proposals that would raid unemployment funds; several have already filed suit to block them. As the economy slows, many companies say they can’t afford to contribute to proposed new benefit funds either. Business lobbyists say too many employees already abuse existing federal family-leave laws by taking time off for dubious reasons or in tiny time increments. The proposed laws, they say, would only make matters worse.For Garro and Duplisea, though, the new laws could make all the difference. As Melina fixes a peanut-butter-and-jelly sandwich, Duplisea hugs a snoozing Andres against his T shirt "We're trying to do the right thing by two kids, and we have to sacrifice," Duplisea says. In Massachusetts and plenty of other states, help may be on the way.1. From the first paragraph, we learn that().2. When Garro says "It takes away from your cushion and your security", she means().3. If Garro lives in Massachusetts, she will().4. The word "perk" (Line 2. Para. 4) most probably means( ).5. The author’s attitude towards paid leave seems to be that of().

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