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During adolescence, the development of, political ideology becomes apparent in the individual ideology here is defined as the presence of roughly consistent attitudes, more or less organized in reference to a more encompassing, though perhaps tacit, set of general principles. As such, political ideology is dim or absent at the beginning of adolescence. Its acquisition by the adolescent, in even the most modest sense, requires the acquisition of relatively sophisticated cognitive skills: the ability to manage abstractness, to synthesize and generalize, to imagine the future. These are accompanied by a steady advance in the ability to understand principles.The child’ rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence. By knowledge, I mean more than the dreary "facts", such as the composition of county government that the child is exposed to in the conventional ninth-grade civics course. Nor do I mean only information on current political realities. These are facets of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent's absorption, often unwittingly, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of, understanding, for example, what the state can “appropriately” demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the “proper” relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches. Thus, political knowledge is the awareness of social assumptions and relationships as well as of objective facts much of the native that characterized the younger adolescent's grasp of politics stems not from. When highly gifted students in any domain talk about an ignorance of "facts", but from an incomplete comprehension of the common conventions of the system, of what is and is not customarily done, and of how and why it is or is not done.Yet I do not want to overemphasize the significance of increased political knowledge in forming adolescent ideology. Over the years I have become progressively disenchanted about the centrality of such knowledge and have come to believe that much current work in political - socialization, by relying too heavily on its apparent acquisition, has been misled about the tempo of political understanding in adolescence. Just as young children can count numbers in series without grasping the principle of ordination, young adolescents may have in their heads many random bits of political information without a secure understanding of those concepts that would give order and meaning to the information.Like magpies, children's minds pick up bits and pieces of datA.If you encourage them, they will drop these at your feet-republicans and Democrats, the tripartite division of the federal system, perhaps even the capital of Massachusetts. But until the adolescent has grasped the integumentary function that concepts and principles provide, the data remain fragmented, random, disordered.86. The authors primary purpose in the passage is to( ).2.According to the author, which of the following contributes to the development of political ideology during adolescence?3.The author uses the term "common ground of understanding" (ParA.2) to refer to( ).4.The passage suggests that, during early adolescence, a child would find which of the following most difficult to understand?5.It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements about schools?

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In large part as a consequence of the feminist movement, historians have focused a great deal of attention in recent years on determining more accurately the status of women in various periods. Although much has been accomplished for the modern period premodern cultures have proved more difficult: sources are restricted in number, fragmentary, difficult to interpret, and often contradictory. Thus it is not particularly surprising that some earlier scholarship concerning such cultures has so far gone unchallengeD.An example is Johann Baehofen’s 1861 treatise on Amazons, women-ruled societies of questionable existence contemporary with ancient Greece.Starting from the premise that mythology and legend preserve at least a nucleus of historical fact, Bachofen argued that women were dominant in many ancient societies. His work was based on a comprehensive survey of references in the ancient sources to Amazonian and other societies with matrilineal customs—societies in which descent and property rights are traced through the female line. Some support for his theory can be found in evidence such as that drawn fromHerodotus, the Greek “historian” of the fifth century B.C., who peaks of an Amazonian society, the Sauromatae, where the women hunted and fought in wars. A woman in this society was not allowed to marry until she had killed a person in battle.Nonetheless, this assumption that the first recorders of ancient myths have preserved facts is problematiC.If one begins by examining why ancients refer to Amazons, it becomes clear that ancient Greek descriptions of such societies were meant not so much to represent observed historical fact-real Amazonian societies-but rather to offer "moral lessons" on the supposed outcome of women's rule in their own society. The Amazons were often characterized, for example, as the equivalents of giants and centaurs, enemies to be slain by Greek heroes. Their customs were presented not as those of respectable society, but as the very antitheses of ordinary-Greek practices.Thus, I would argue the purpose of accounts of the Amazons for their male Greek recorders was didactic, to teach both male and female Greeks that all female groups, formed by withdrawal from traditional society, are destructive and dangerous. Myths about the Amazons were not for the male-dominated status quo,in which groups composed exclusively of either sex were not permitted to segregate themselves permanently from society Bachofen was thus misled in his reliance on myths for information about the status of women. The sources that will probably tell contemporary historians most about women in the ancient world are such social documents as gravestones, wills and marriage contracts. Studies of such documents have already begun to, show how mistaken we are when we try to derive our picture of the ancient world exclusively from literary sources, especially myths.1.The primary purpose of the passage is to( ).2.All of the following are stated by the author as problems connected with the sources for knowledge of premodern cultures EXCEPT( ).3.Which of the following is presented in the passage as evidence supporting the author's view of the ancient Greeks' descriptions of the Amazons?4.It can be inferred from the passage that the probable reactions of many males in ancient Greece to the idea of a society ruled by women could best be characterized as( ).5.The author suggests that the main reason for the persisting influence of Bachofen's work is that( ).

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Present-day philosophers usually envision their discipline as an endeavor that has been since antiquity, distinct from and superior to any particular intellectual discipline, such as theology or science. Such philosophical concerns as the mind-body problem or, more generally, the nature of human knowledge, they believe, are basic human questions whose tentative philosophical solutions have served as the necessary foundations on which all other intellectual speculation has rested.The basis for this view, however, lies in a serious misinterpretation of the past, a projection of modern concerns onto past events. The idea of autonomous discipline called "philosophy", distinct from and sitting in judgment on such pursuits as theology and science, turns out, on close examination, to be of quite recent origin. When, in the seventeenth, century, Descartes and Hohbes rejected medieval philosophy, they did not think of themselves, as modern philosophers do, as proposing a new and better philosophy, but rather as furthering "the warfare between science and theology". They were fighting, albeit discreetly, to open the intellectual world to the new science and to liberate intellectual life from ecclesiastical-philosophy, and envisioned their work as contributing to the growth, not of philosophy, but of research in mathematics and physics.This link between philosophical interests and scientific practice persisted until the nineteenth century, when decline in ecclesiastical power over scholarship and changes in the nature of science, provoked the final separation of philosophy from both.The demarcation of philosophy from science was facilitated by the development in the early nineteenth century of a new notion, that philosophy's core interest should be epistemology, the general explanation of what it means to know something: Modern philosophers now trace that notion back at less to Descartes and Spinoza, but it was not explicitly articulated until the late eighteenth century, by Kant, and did not become built into the structure of academic institutions and the standard self-descriptions of philosophy professors until the late nineteenth century. Without the idea of epistemology, the survival of philosophy in an age of modern science is hards to imagine. Metaphysics philosophy's traditional core-considered as the most general description of how the heavens and the earth are put together-had been rendered almost completely meaningless by the spectacular progress of physics. Kant, however, by focusing philosophy on the problem of knowledge, managed to replace metaphysics with epistemology, and thus to transform the notion of philosophy as "queen of sciences" into the new notion of philosophy as a separate, foundational discipline: Philosophy became" primary no longer in the sense of "highest" but in the sense of "underlying". After Kant, philosophers were able to reinterpret seventeenth - and eighteenth-century thinkers as attempting to discover "How is our knowledge possible "and to project this question back even on the ancients.1.According to the author, philosophy became distinct from science and theology during the( ).2.The author suggests that Descartes' support for the new science of the seventeenth century can be characterized as( ).3.The author of the passage implies which of the following in discussing the development of philosophy during the nineteenth century?4.With which of the following statements concerning the writing of history would the author of the passage be most likely to agree?5.The primary function of the passage as a whole is to( ).

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Why the inductive and mathematical sciences, after their first rapid development at the culmination of Greek civilization, advanced so slowly for two thousand years-and why in the following two years a knowledge of natural and mathematical science has accumulated, which so vastly exceeds all that was previously known that these sciences may be justly regarded as the products of our own times—are questions which have interested, the modern philosopher not less than, the objects with which these sciences are more immediately conversant. Was it the employment of a new method of research, or in the exercise of greater virtue in the use of the old methods, that this singular modern phenomenon had its origin? Was the long period-one of arrested development, and is the modern era one of normal growth? Or should we ascribe the characteristics of both periods to so-called historical accidents—to the influence of conjunctions in circumstances of which no explanation is possible, save in the omnipotence and wisdom of a guiding providence?The explanation which has become commonplace, that the ancients employed deduction chiefly their scientific inquiries, while the moderns employ induction, proves to be too narrow, and fails upon close examination to point with sufficient distinctness the contrast that is evident between ancient and modern scientific doctrines and inquiries For all knowledge is founded on observation, and proceeds from this by analysis, by synthesis, and analysis, by induction and deduction, and if possible by verification, or by new appeals to observation under the guidance of deduction-by steps which are indeed correlative parts of one method; land the ancient sciences, afford examples of every one of these methods, or parts of one method, which have been generalized from the examples of science.A failure to employ or to employ adequately any one of these partial methods, an imperfection in the arts and resources of observation and experiment, carelessness in observation, neglect of relevant fact, by appeal to experiment and observation-these are the faults which cause all failures to ascertain truth, whether among the ancients or the moderns: but this statement does not explain why the modern is possessed of a-greater virtue, and by what means he attained his superiority. Much less does it explain the sudden growth of science in recent times.The attempt to discover the explanation of this phenomenon in the antithesis of “facts” and “theories” or" facts "and" ideas"—in neglect among the ancients of the former, and their too exclusive attention to the latte?—proves also to be too narrow, as well as open to the charge of vagueness. For in the first place, the antithesis is not complete. Facts and theories are not coordinate species. Theories, if true, are facts-a particular glass of facts indeed, generally complex, and if a logical connection subsists between their constituents, have all the positive attributes of theories.Nevertheless, this distinction, however inadequate it may be to explain the source of true method in science, is well founded, and connotes an important character in true methoD.A fact is a proposition of simple verification. A theory, on the other hand, if true has all the characteristics of a fact, except that its verification is possible only by indirect, remote, and difficult means. To convert theories into facts is to add simple verification, and the theory thus acquires the full characteristics of a fact.1.The title that best expresses the ideas of this passage is( ).2.According to the author, one possible reason for the growth of science during the days of the ancient Greeks and in modern times is( ).3.The difference between "fact" and "theory"( ).4.According to the author, mathematics is( ).5.The statement "Theories are facts" may be called( ).

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The first mention of slavery in the statutes of the English colonies of North America does not occur until after 1660—some forty years after the importation of the first Black people. Lest we think that slavery existed in fact before it did in law, Oscar and Mary Handlin assure us, that the status of Black people down to the 1660’s was that of servants. A critique of the Hanlins’ interpretation of why legal slavery did not appear until the 1660s suggests that assumptions about the relation between slavery and racial prejudice should be reexamined, and that explanation for the different treatment of Black slaves in North and South America' should be expanded.The Handlins explain the appearance of legal slavery by arguing that, during the 1660's, the position of While servants was improving relative to that of Black servants. Thus, the Handlins contend, Black and White servants, here to fore treated alike, each attained a different status. There are, however, important objections to this argument. First, the Handlins cannot adequately demonstrate that the White servant’s position was improving, during and after the 1660’s; several acts of the Maryland and Virginia legislatures indicate otherwise. Another flaw in the Handlin’ interpretation is their assumption that prior to the establishment of legal slavery there was no discrimination against Black people. It is true that before the 1660’s Black people were rarely called slaves. But this should not overshadow evidence from the 1630s on chat points to racial discrimination without using the term slavery. Such discrimination sometimes, stopped short of lifetime servitude or inherited status---the two attributes of true slavery-yet in other cases it included both. The Handlins' argument excludes the real possibility that Black people in the English colonies were never treated as the equals of White people.The possibility has important ramifications. If from the outset Black people were discriminated against, then legal slavery should be viewed as a reflection and an extension of racial prejudice rather than, as many historians including the Handlins have argued, the cause of prejudice. In addition, the existence of discrimination before the advent of legal slavery offers a further explanation for the harsher treatment of Black slaves in North than in South AmericA.Freyre and Tannenbaum have rightly argued that the lack of certain traditions in North America- such as a Roman conception of slavery and a Roman Catholic emphasis on equality—explains why the treatment of Black slaves was more severe there than in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies of South AmericA.But this cannot be the whole explanation since it is merely based only on a lack of something. A more compelling explanation is that the early and sometimes extreme racial discrimination in the English colonies helped determine the particular nature of the slavery that followed.1.Which of the following is the most logical inference to be drawn from the passage about the effects of “several acts of the Maryland and Virginia legislatures” (lines 11) passed during and after the 1660’s?2.With which of the following statements regarding the status of Black people in the English colonies of North America before the 1660's would the author be LEAST likely to agree?3.According to the passage, the Handlins have argued which of the following about the relationship between racial prejudice and the institution of legal slavery in the English colonies of North America?4.The passage suggests that the existence of a Roman conception of slavery in Spanish and Portuguese colonies had the effect of( ).5.The author considers the Freyre and Tannenbaum for the treatment accorded Black slaves in the English colonies of North America to be( ).

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Last year, the government asked the University of Nottingham to carry out research on the skills of university students. The findings confirm the disquiet of employers at the lack of basic skills they observe in some graduates. British universities have usually admitted only the best students, so it is surprising to read about these findings.The research showed that less than one university student in five achieves the levels expected of bright 18-year-olds in all three of the key skills of communication, the application of number, and information technology (IT).Some have argued that there are two other key skill areas where students might be expected to show some ability-improving their own learning, and working with others. If we add in these skill areas, the research shows that only about a dozen students among nearly two hundred tested across ten universities scored top marks.Not many universities focus on these general, basic skills. Indeed, many universities assume that their highly-qualified if incoming students have all these skills. But are they right to assume that? If they are not, then university educators may have to start paying more attention to developing such skills than they have in the past.It is of course possible to get a good degree, even from a top class university, and not necessarily if have all-round skills necessary for operating in employment and everyday situations. Some graduates are not good at IT; others have difficulty in the application of number skills. Many are poor in communication skills in speech, or writing, or both. For example, many employers note that even highly-qualified graduates have difficulty in giving a clear explanation of something they understand to a group of people listening.Achievement of these skills is not normally required in high school; however, one might expects students to be better in these skills than they are.The results from the University of Nottingham survey need to-be treated with some care: the sample was small, and we only assessed students who could be present at certain times of the day; we were not able to assess every aspect of every skill. ( But even if we doubled the number of students tested who achieved level 3 on our tests- just below the minimum level required by employers--- two thirds of first year students would not nut achieve these minimum levels.Each of the students took part in a two-and-a-half hour assessment session. During this session they completed pencil and paper tests. They also did a group exercise and presentation, during which they had to work with others, and then each in turn present an oral report. In addition, they were asked to complete a self-report questionnaire covering their knowledge and experience of IT.Many would argue that being brilliant in any one or two of these skills is not enough, students should really have an all-round ability in all these skill areas. The story is much less encouraging when we look at success in a combination of skills. Only about five percent of those sampled achieved acceptable levels in all five skill areas.The fact is that university courses vary a great deal. In some instances, they allow students to do very well at certain things that are highly valued within their academic fielD.However, these qualities may not transfer easily to other situations. Many employers go to particular institutions, and particular degree subjects hoping to find the kind of graduate they want. The government is now considering ways in which training in these skills can be built into every degree programmed offered.This may strike fear into the hearts of many university lecturers, who are already having to cope with much greater demands on their teaching and research skills. However, there is reason to believe that some institutions are already dealing with the problem, and with some success. For example, the University of Loughborough (near Nottingham) has an excellent programme in study and IT skills, and the University checks on students' skills as they proceed through their courses. These universities now realize that basic skills not only help their students to learn more effectively, they also make them more employable once they have left the university.1.What are the basic skills of the university graduates?2.Some argued that other basic skills like( )are also expected.3.Usually, achievement of these basic skills is not normally required in( ).4.Why should the results from the University of Nottingham survey be treated with some care?5.How much percent of the sampled achieved acceptable level in all five skills areas according to the passage?

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Cheques have largely replaced money as a means of exchange, for they are widely accepted everywhere. Though this is very(1)for both buyer and seller, it should not be forgotten that cheques are not real money: they are quite(2)in themselves. A shop-keeper always runs a certain (3)when he accepts, a cheque and he is quite(4), his rights if,(5), he refuses to do so.People do not always know this and are shocked if their good faith is called(6). An old and very wealthy friend of mine told me he had an extremely unpleasant(7). He went to a famous jewelry shop which keeps a large(8)of precious stones and asked to be shown some pearl necklaces.After examining several trays, he(9)to buy a particularly fine string of pearls and asked if he could pay(10)cheque. The assistant said that this was quite(11), but the moment my friend signed his name, he was invited into the manager's office.The manager was very polite, but he explained that someone with(12)the same name had presented them with a(13)cheque not long ago. He told my friend that the police would arrive(14)any moment and he had better stay(15)he wanted to get into serious trouble.(16), the police arrived on afterwards. They apologized to my friend for the(17)and asked him to(18)a note which had been used by the thief in a number of shops. The note(19).“I have a gun in my pocket. Ask no questions and give me all the money in the safe.”(20),my friend's handwriting was quite unlike the thieves.

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