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It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the lives of the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have been introduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry took them out of the household, their traditional sphere, and fundamentally altered their position in society. In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician, warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Friedrich Engels, however, predicted that women would be liberated from the “social, legal, and economic subordination” of the family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of “the whole female sex into public industry.” Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability of mechanization’s effects, but they agreed that it would transform women’s lives.Historians, particularly those investigating the history of women, now seriously question this assumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations as the spinning jenny, the sewing machine, the typewriter and the vacuum cleaner have not resulted in equally dramatic social changes in women’s economic position or in the prevailing evaluation of women’s work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolution was largely an extension of an older pattern of employment of young, single women as domestics. It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previously seen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880’s created a new class of “dead-end” jobs, thenceforth considered “women’s work.” The increase in the numbers of married women employed outside the home in the twentieth century had less to do with the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it did with their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool of single women workers, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.Women’s work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household to the office or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since before the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupations by gender, lower pay for women as a group, jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labor remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that technology is always inherently revolutionary in its effects on society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of women both in the labor market and in the home.46. Which of the following statements best summarizes the main idea of the passage?47. It can be inferred from the passage that the author would consider which of the following to be an indication of a fundamental alteration in the conditions of women’s work? 48. Which of the following statements about many employers before the twentieth century is NOT implied in the passage? 49. Which of the following best describes the function of the concluding sentence of the passage?

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Just a week after Scottish embryologists announced that they had succeeded in cloning a sheep from a single adult cell, both the genetics community and the world 31 are coming to an unsettling realization: the science is the easy part. It is not 32 the breakthrough was not decades in the making. It’s just that once it was complete — once you 33 how to transfer the genetic schematics from an adult cell into a living ovum and keep the fragile embryo 34 throughout gestation... most of your basic biological work was finished. The social and philosophical temblors it triggers, 35, have merely begun.Only now, as the news of Dolly, the 36 oblivious sheep, becomes part of the cultural debate, are we beginning to 37 those soul-quakes? How will the new technology be regulated? What does the sudden ability to make genetic stencils of ourselves say about the concept of individuality? Is there something about the individual that is lost when the mystical act of 38 a person becomes standardized into a mere act of photocopying one?Last week President Clinton took the first tentative step toward answering these questions, charging a U.S. commission 39 the task of investigating the legal and 40 implications of the new technology and reporting back to him with their findings within 90 days. Later this week the House subcommittee on basic research will hold a hearing to 41 the same issues. The probable tone of those sessions was established last week when Harold Varmus, director of the National Institute of Health, told another subcommittee that cloning a person is “42 to the American public.”Around the globe, the reaction was just as 43 France’s undersecretary for research 44 human cloning as “unthinkable,” the Council of Europe Secretary General called it “unacceptable,” and Germany’s Minister of Research and Technology flatly declared: “There will never be a human clone.” Agreed Professor Akira Irirani, an embryology expert at Osaka’s Kinki University, “We must 45 applying the technique to human beings.”

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