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Economic growth involves increases over time in the volume of a country’s per capita gross national product (GNP) of goods and services. Such continuing increases can raise average living standards substantially and provide a stronger base for other policy objectives such as national defense, various kinds of capital investments, or public welfare services. It is only in the last two centuries that continued growth in living standards has been realized for a number of now-developed countries, and this process has broadened in the 20th century to include a number of developing countries. However, the fairly steady expansion in the third quarter of the 20th century gave way to a period of slower and more erratic growth for both high- and low-income countries, while some of the economically poorest countries were thus far unable to establish a self-sustaining pattern of development. It also became increasingly evident that there were serious environmental problems associated with some types of growth in production.This article examines the record of economic growth and development, some explanations for the changes involved, and the attempts by governments to plan these changes. Two major issues are involved. The first is why economic growth occurs more quickly in some countries and periods than in others. It is the increase in the size and quality of the factors of production that underlies growth, but certain forces—innovations and entrepreneurship, the part played by governments, and the role of investment as distinct from consumption—deserve special attention. A variety of models of economic growth give expression to the understanding of these forces. Increasing attention has been paid in these models and in policy to the international aspects of growth. This trend is partly a reflection of the growing internationalization of economic activity. It also reflects a number of potentially destabilizing changes in the international economy that became evident during the 1970s. While the precise nature of their effects is open to debate, among these changes should be noted the transition to more flexible exchange rates, the supply shocks in petroleum and other products, the growth of international debt, and the development of several major centers of economic power.The second issue is the challenges facing the low-income countries, namely, to move from subsistence levels of per capita income to a level that would generate self-sustaining growth and also to reduce the gap between themselves and the high-income countries. Differences among the lower income countries warn against making sweeping generalizations on the development process, but three topics have attracted much attention. One is how far existing private and public organizations must be changed so as to institutionalize development. A second is the view that, particularly for manufactures and for smaller markets, reliance on import substitution should give way fairly quickly to export development. The third is the impact of population growth on both development and living standards.62. According to this passage, the economic expansion in many developed and developing countries did not become slower until ______.63. The underlined word “erratic” in the first paragraph most probably means ______.64. The second paragraph of this passage is mainly about ______.65. According to the author of this article, ______.

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To understand the ancient Mayan people who lived in the area that is today southern Mexico and Central America and the ecological difficulties they faced, one must first consider their environment, which we think of as “jungle” or “tropical rainforest.” This view is inaccurate, and the reason proves to be important. Properly speaking, tropical rainforests grow in high-rainfall equatorial areas that remain wet or humid all year round. But the Maya homeland lies more than sixteen hundred kilometers from the equator, at latitudes 17 to 22 degrees north, in a habitat termed a “seasonal tropical forest.” That is, while there does tend to be a rainy season from May to October, there is also a dry season from January through April. If one focuses on the wet months, one calls the Maya homeland a “seasonal tropical forest”; if one focuses on the dry months, one could instead describe it as a “seasonal desert.”From north to south in the Yucatan Peninsula, where the Maya lived, rainfall ranges from 18 to 100 inches (457 to 2,540 millimeters) per year, and the soils become thicker, so that the southern peninsula was agriculturally more productive and supported denser populations. But rainfall in the Maya homeland is unpredictably variable between years; some recent years have had three or four times more rain than other years. As a result, modern farmers attempting to grow corn in the ancient Maya homelands have faced frequent crop failures, especially in the north. The ancient Maya were presumably more experienced and did better, but nevertheless they too must have faced risks of crop failures from droughts and hurricanes.Although southern Maya areas received more rainfall than northern areas, problems of water were paradoxically more severe in the wet south. While that made things hard for ancient Maya living in the south, it has also made things hard for modern archaeologists who have difficulty understanding why ancient droughts caused bigger problems in the wet south than in the dry north. The likely explanation is that an area of underground freshwater underlies the Yucatan Peninsula, but surface elevation increases from north to south, so that as one moves south the land surface lies increasingly higher above the water table. In the northern peninsula the elevation is sufficiently low that the ancient Maya were able to reach the water table at deep sinkholes called cenotes, or at deep caves. In low-elevation north coastal areas without sinkholes, the Maya would have been able to get down to the water table by digging wells up to 75 feet (22 meters) deep. But much of the south lies too high above the water table for cenotes or wells to reach down to it. Making matters worse, most of the Yucatan Peninsula consists of karst, a porous sponge-like limestone terrain where rain runs straight into the ground and where little or no surface water remains available.How did those dense southern Maya populations deal with the resulting water problem? It initially surprises us that many of their cities were not built next to the rivers but instead on high terrain in rolling uplands. The explanation is that the Maya excavated depressions, or modified natural depressions, and then plugged up leaks in the karst by plastering the bottoms of the depressions in order to create reservoirs, which collected rain from large plastered catchment basins and stored it for use in the dry season. For example, reservoirs at the Maya city of Tikal held enough water to meet the drinking water needs of about 10,000 people for a period of 18 months. At the city of Coba the Maya built dikes around a lake in order to raise its level and make their water supply more reliable. But the inhabitants of Tikal and other cities dependent on reservoirs for drinking water would still have been in deep trouble if 18 months passed without rain in a prolonged drought. A shorter drought in which they exhausted their stored food supplies might already have gotten them in deep trouble, because growing crops required rain rather than reservoirs.58. Why does the author call the Mayan homeland both a “seasonal tropical forest” and “seasonal desert”?59. Which of the following statements about ancient and modern agriculture in the Yucatan Peninsula is supported by paragraph 2?60. Which of the following statements about the availability of water in the Mayan homeland is supported by paragraph 3?61. According to the passage, why was the southern Mayan homeland hard to farm?

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We all know that many more people today are right-handed than left-handed. Can one trace this same pattern far back in prehistory? Much of the evidence about right-hand versus left-hand dominance comes from stencils and prints found in rock shelters in Australia and elsewhere, and in many Ice Age caves in France, Spain, and Tasmania. When a left hand has been stenciled, this implies that the artist was right-handed, and vice versa. Even though the paint was often sprayed on by month, one can assume that the dominant hand assisted in the operation. One also has to make the assumption that hands were stenciled palm downward—a left hand stenciled palm upward might of course look as if it were a right hand. Of 158 stencils in the French cave of Gargas, 136 have been identified as left, and only 22 as right; right-handedness was therefore heavily predominant.Cave art furnishes other types of evidence of this phenomenon. Most engravings, for example, are best lit from the left, as befits the work of right-handed artists, who generally prefer to have the light source on the left so that the shadow of their hand does not fall on the tip of the engraving tool or brush. In the few cases where an Ice Age figure is depicted holding something, it is mostly, though not always, in the right hand.Clues to right-handedness can also be found by other methods. Right-handers tend to have longer, stronger, and more muscular bones on the right side, and Marcellin Boule as long ago as 1911 noted the La Chapelle-aux-Saints Neanderthal skeleton had a right upper arm bone that was noticeably stronger than the left. Similar observations have been made on other Neanderthal skeletons such as La Ferrassie I and Neanderthal itself.Fractures and other cut marks are another source of evidence. Right-handed soldiers tend to be wounded on the left. The skeleton of a 40- or 50-year-old Nabatean warrior, buried 2,000 years ago in the Negev Desert, Israel, had multiple healed fractures to the skull, the left arm, and the ribs.Tools themselves can be revealing. Long-handed Neolithic spoons of yew wood preserved in Alpine villages dating to 3000 B.C. have survived; the signs of rubbing on their left side indicate that their users were right-handed. The late Ice Age rope found in the French cave of Lascaux consists of fibers spiraling to the right, and was therefore tressed by a right-hander.Occasionally one can determine whether stone tools were used in the right hand or the left, and it is even possible to assess how far back this feature can be traced. In stone toolmaking experiments, Nick Toth, a right-hander, held the core (the stone that would become the tool) in his left hand and the hammer stone in his right. As the tool was made, the core was rotated clockwise, and the flakes, removed in sequence, had a little crescent of cortex (the core’s outer surface) on the side. Toth’s knapping produced 56 percent flakes with the cortex on the right, and 44 percent left-oriented flakes. A left-handed toolmaker would produce the opposite pattern Toth has applied these criteria to the similarly made pebble tools from a number of early sites (before 1.5 million years) at Koobi Fora, Kenya, probably made by Homo habilis. At seven sites he found that 57 percent of the flakes were right-oriented, and 43 percent left, a pattern almost identical to that produced today.About 90 percent of modern humans are right-handed: we are the only mammal with a preferential use of one hand. The part of the brain responsible for fine control and movement is located in the left cerebral hemisphere,and the findings above suggest that the human brain was already asymmetrical in its structure and function not long after 2 million years ago. Among Neanderthalers of 70, 000-35, 000 years ago, Marcellin Boule noted that the La Chapelle-aux-Saints individual had a left hemisphere slightly bigger than the right,and the same was found for brains of specimens from Neanderthal, Gibraltar, and La Quina. 54. All of the following are mentioned in paragraphs 1 and 2 as evidence of right-handedness in art and artists EXCEPT ______.55. The La Chapelle-aux-Saints Neanderthal skeleton can be identified as right-handed because ______.56. Which of the following statements about fractures and cut marks can be inferred from the passage?57. Why does the author mention the Ice Age rope found in the French cave of Lascaux?

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The landscape of the Giant’s Causeway, lurking below the gaunt sea wall where the land ends, must have struck wonder into the hearts of the ancient Irish, who subsequently felt inspired and created legends about its builder: the giant Finn McCool. The Causeway Coast has an unparalleled display of geological formations representing volcanic activity during the Early Tertiary Period some 5060 million years ago. Its Tertiary lavas of the Antrim Plateau, covering some 3,800 sq km, represent the largest remaining lava plateau in Europe.The Causeway is a mass of basalt columns packed tightly together. The tops of the columns form stepping stones that lead from the cliff foot and disappear under the sea. Altogether there are 40, 000 of these stone columns, mostly hexagonal, but some are quadrangular, pentagonal, heptagonal and octagonal. The tallest ate about 40 feet high, and the solidified lava in the cliffs is 90 feet thick in places.A fine circular walk will take you down to the Giant’s Causeway, past amphitheatres of stone columns and formations with fanciful names like the Honeycomb, the Wishing Well, and the Giant’s Granny, past a wooden staircase to Benbane Head, and back along the cliff-top. Further down the coast, the stunning Carrick-a-rede rope bridge spans a gaping chasm between the coast and a small island used by fishermen. The eighty-foot drop can be crossed via the swinging bridge―and is not for the faint-hearted!The Giant’s Causeway and Causeway Coast site was inscribed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1986. The site is of outstanding universal value and meets the criteria set in the World Heritage Convention. Namely, it is an outstanding example representing major stages of the earth’s history including the record of life: significant on-going geological processes in landform developments, and significant geomorphic and physiographic features; moreover, it also contains superlative natural phenomena and areas of exceptional natural beauty and aesthetic importance.Moyle District Council’s Causeway Visitor Centre is open daily all year round and located on the cliff top 1 km from the site. The Centre is the ideal starting point for walks along the coastal and cliff-top paths, providing all excellent range of visitor services. A 12-minute audio-visual presentation, with commentary available in 5 European languages, enables visitors to further explore the origins of the Giant’s Causeway through local folklore and scientific theory, and highlights the many other attractions of the Causeway Coast and Glens of Antrim area.50. The Giant’s Causeway was created by______.51. The last sentence in Paragraph 3 implies that the trip on the swinging bridge is quite ______.52. Which of the Giant’s Causeway’s features best fits with the criteria set in the World Heritage Convention?53. Which of the following is NOT true of the Giant’s Causeway?

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The shift from silent to sound film at the end of the 1920s marks, so far, the most important transformation in motion picture history. Despite all the highly visible technological developments in theatrical and home delivery of the moving image that have occurred over the decades since then, no single innovation has come close to being regarded as a similar kind of watershed. In nearly every language, however the words are phrased, the most basic division in cinema history lies between films that are mute and films that speak.Yet this most fundamental standard of historical periodization conceals a host of paradoxes. Nearly every movie theater, however modest, had a piano or organ to provide musical accompaniment to silent pictures. In many instances, spectators in the era before recorded sound experienced elaborate aural presentations alongside movies’ visual images, from the Japanese benshi (narrators) crafting multivoiced dialogue narratives to original musical compositions performed by symphony-size orchestras in Europe and the United States. In Berlin, for the premiere performance outside the Soviet Union of The Battleship Potemkin, film director Sergei Eisenstein worked with Austrian composer Edmund Meisel (1874-1930) on a musical score matching sound to image; the Berlin screenings with live music helped to bring the film its wide international fame.Beyond that, the triumph of recorded sound has overshadowed the rich diversity of technological and aesthetic experiments with the visual image that were going forward simultaneously in the 1920s. New color processes, larger or differently shaped screen sizes, multiple-screen projections, even television, were among the developments invented or tried out during the period, sometimes with startling success. The high costs of converting to sound and the early limitations of sound technology were among the factors that suppressed innovations or retarded advancement in these other areas. The introduction of new screen formats was put off for a quarter century, and color, though utilized over the next two decades for special productions, also did not become a norm until the 1950s.Though it may be difficult to imagine from a later perspective, a strain of critical opinion in the 1920s predicted that sound film would be a technical novelty that would soon fade from sight, just as had many previous attempts, dating well back before the First World War, to link images with recorded sound. These critics were making a common assumption—that the technological inadequacies of earlier efforts (poor synchronization, weak sound amplification, fragile sound recordings) would invariably occur again. To be sure, their evaluation of the technical flaws in 1920s sound experiments was not so far off the mark, yet they neglected to take into account important new forces in the motion picture field that, in a sense, would not take no for an answer.These forces were the rapidly expanding electronics and telecommunications companies that were developing and linking telephone and wireless technologies in the 1920s. In the United States, they included such firms as American Telephone and Telegraph, General Electric, and Westinghouse. They were interested in all forms of sound technology and all potential revenues for commercial exploitation. Their competition and collaboration were creating the broadcasting industry in the United States, beginning with the introduction of commercial radio programming in the early 1920s. With financial assets considerably greater than those in the motion picture industry, and perhaps a wider vision of the relationships among entertainment and communications media, they revitalized research into recording sound for motion pictures.In 1929 the United States motion picture industry released more than 300 sound films—a rough figure, since a number were silent films with music tracks, or films prepared in dual versions, to take account of the many cinemas not yet wired for sound. At the production level, in the United States the conversion was virtually complete by 1930. In Europe it took a little longer, mainly because there were more small producers for whom the costs of sound were prohibitive, and in other parts of the world problems with rights or access to equipment delayed the shift to sound production for a few more years (though cinemas in major cities may have been wired in order to play foreign sound films). The triumph of sound cinema was swift, complete, and enormously popular.46. According to paragraph 1, which of the following is the most significant development in the history of film?47. Why does the author mention “Japanese benshi” and “original musical compositions”?48. The underlined word “overshadowed” in paragraph 3 is closest in meaning to ______.49. Which of the following accounts for the delay in the conversion to sound films in Europe?

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Most people would be (31) by the high quality of medicine (32) to most Americans. There is a lot of specialization, a great deal of (33) to the individual, a (34) amount of advanced technical equipment, and (35) effort not to make mistakes because of the financial risk which doctors and hospitals must (36) in the courts if they handle things badly.But the Americans are in a mess. The problem is the way in (37) health care is organized and financed. (38) to public belief it is not just a free competition system. To the private system has been joined a large public system, because private care was simply not (39) the less fortunate and the elderly.But even with this huge public part of the system, which this year will eat up 84.5 billion dollars—more than 10 percent of the U. S. Budget—large number of Americans are left (40). These include about half the 11 million unemployed and those who fail to meet the strict limits on income fixed by a government trying to make savings where it can.The basic problem, however, is that there is no central control (41) the health system. There is no limit to what doctors and hospitals charge for their services, other than what the public is able to pay. The number of doctors has shot up and prices have climbed. When faced with toothache, a sick child, or a heart attack, all the unfortunate person concerned can do is (42) up.Two-thirds of the population (43) covered by medical insurance. Doctors charge as much as they want (44) that the insurance company will pay the bill.The rising cost of medicine in the U. S. A. is among the most worrying problems facing the country. In 1981 the country’s health bill climbed 15. 9 percent—about twice as fast as prices (45) general.

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