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The role of government in environmental management is difficult but inescapable. Sometimes, the state tries to manage the resources it owns, and does so badly. Often, (1), governments act in an even more harmful way. They actually subsidize the exploitation and(2)of natural resources. A whole(3)of policies, from farm-price support to protection for coal-mining, do environmental damage and (often)(4)no economic sense. Scrapping them offers a two-fold(5): a cleaner environment and more efficient economy. Growth and environmentalism can actually go hand in hand, if politicians have the courage to(6)the vested interest that subsidies create.No activity affects more of the earth’s surface than farming. It shapes a third of the planet’s land area, not(7)Antarctica, and the proportion is rising. World food output per head has risen by 4 per cent between the 1970s and 1980s mainly as a result of increases in(8)from land already in(9), but also because more land has been brought under the plough. Higher yields have been achieved by increased irrigation, better crop breeding, and a(10)in the use of pesticides and chemical fertilizers in the 1970s and 1980s.All these activities may have(11)environmental impact. For example, land clearing for agricultures is the largest single(12)of deforestation; chemical fertilizers and pesticides may(13)water suppliers: more intensive farming and the abandonment of fallow periods(14)exacerbate soil erosion; and the spread of non-culture and the use of high-yielding varieties of crops have been accompanied by the(15)of old varieties of food plants which(16)some insurance against pests or diseases in future. Soil erosion threatens the productivity of land in both rich and poor countries. The United States, (17)the most careful measurements have been done, discovered in 1982 that about one-fifth of its farmland was losing topsoil at a rate(18)to diminish the soil’s productivity. The country subsequently(19)a program to convert 11 per cent of its cropped land to meadow or forest. Topsoil in India and China is(20)much faster than in America.

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The widespread adoption of the Internet and the Web makes it possible to administer questionnaire surveys electronically, potentially achieving much greater cost-effectiveness and permitting the integration of data from many sources. At the same time, there are significant technical challenges that must be met, especially in the areas of logistics and sampling. Recognizing the need for innovation in this and related areas, the NSF Methodology, Measurement, and Statistics Program, in collaboration with a consortium of federal statistical agencies represented by the Interagency Council of Statistical Policy and the Federal Committee on Statistical Methodology, has held a special competition on survey research methods. Included among the topic areas in the competition announcement is “secure and easy-to-use methods of collecting survey data via the Web”.Today’s leading social scientific surveys are very expensive interview studies of national samples. For example, the GSS administers a 90-minute face-to-face interview to 1,500 American adults at a cost of about $500 per interview. However, the respondents are not a total random sample because cost considerations with respect to the interviewer’s travel require that respondents be recruited in a limited number of geographic clusters, and there is no list of residents from which a random sample could be drawn. The small number of geographic areas surveyed limits scientists’ ability to link GSS data to other geographically based data such as the U. S. census. Because of the high cost and many research communities that seek time in the GSS, it is impossible to include more than a handful of questions on any particular topic. This prevents the GSS from employing much of the best methodology of measurement scale construction, which requires inclusion of a large number of items. Surveys like the GSS will be needed in future decades to chart the changing social economic, and political conditions of the American public. But many types of social science will advance more rapidly through surveys administered over the web.Web-based surveys can reach very large numbers of respondents at low cost. They will be geographically dispersed so that their data can be linked to the census to local economic information, and to data from other web-based surveys. It might not be possible to hold the interviewees’ interest for the full 90-minute questionnaire of the GSS, but shorter duration surveys administered to very large numbers of respondents can in the aggregate include far more items, thereby permitting much finer measurement of scientifically interesting variables. The high cost of major national surveys generally has restricted the topic studied to those that especially require highly representative samples such as family structure and economic status in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and voting behavior in the American National Election Study, data from both of which are now freely available over the web. A vast array of other scientific research areas, therefore, have languished for many years without the large-scale survey data that would permit knowledge to progress.1. According to the passage, which is Not True of surveys via the Web?2. The second paragraph is mainly about ____.3. What makes traditional surveys unscientific according to the second paragraph?4. The author firmly believes that Web-based surveys will ____.5. It is implied in the last sentence that ____.

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Reforming the Social Security retirement program is an issue of enormous practical importance. Yet it remains the missing piece in American policy analysis. At a time when the Congress and the Administration are considering ways to reform welfare, Medicare, Medicaid, and the income tax, elected officials are still unwilling to confront the serious problems of our Social Security system. Eventually, however, its deteriorating financial condition will force major reforms. Whether those reforms are good or bad, whether they deal with the basic economic problems of the system or merely protect the solvency of existing institutional arrangements will depend in part on whether we, as economists, provide the appropriate intellectual framework for analyzing reform alternatives.Major policy changes that affect the public at large can only happen in our democracy, when there is widespread public support for the new direction of policy. In the field of economics, the views of the media, of other private-sector opinion leaders, and of politicians and their advisers, depend very much on their perception of what economists believe feasible and correct. Fundamental policy reforms in a complex area like social security also require the development of technical expertise, both in and out of government, about the options for change and their likely consequences. Fortunately, an expanding group of economists is now thinking and writing about social security reform. My remarks today greatly benefit from what they have written and from my conversations with many of them.I began to do my research on the effects of Social Security reform nearly 25 years ago (Feldstein, 1974, 1975). A central concept in my analysis of Social Security has been the notion of “Social Security wealth”, which I defined as the present actuarial value of the Social Security benefits to which the current adult population will be entitled at age 65 (or are already entitled to if they are older than 65) minus the present actuarial value of the Social Security taxes that they will pay before reaching that age. Social Security wealth has now grown to about $11 trillion or more than 1.5 times GDP. Since this is equivalent to more than $50, 000 for every adult in the country, the value of Social Security wealth substantially exceeds all other assets for the vast majority of American households. In the aggregate, Social Security wealth exceeds three-fourths of all private financial wealth, as conventionally measured.Social Security wealth is of course not real wealth but only a claim on current and future taxpayers. Instead of labeling this key magnitude “Social Security wealth”, I could have called it the nation’s “Social Security liability”. Like ordinary government debt, Social Security wealth has the power to crowd out private capital accumulation, and Social Security wealth will continue to grow as long as our current system remains unchanged displacing an ever larger stock of capital.The $11 trillion Social Security liability is three times as large as the official national debt. Although I certainly welcome the current political efforts to shrink future budget deficits, it is worth noting that, even if the traditional deficit is eliminated in the year 2002, so that the national debt is then no longer increasing, the national debt in the form of the Social Security liability is likely to increase that year by about $300 billion.Looking further into the future, the aggregate Social Security liability will grow as the population expands, as it becomes relatively older, and as income rises. Government actuaries predict that, under existing law, the tax rate required to pay each year’s Social Security benefit will rise over the next 50 years from the present level of slightly less than 12 percent to more than 18 percent, and perhaps to as much as 23 percent.1. The deterioration financial condition referred to was caused by ____.2. In the last sentence of the first paragraph, the word “alternatives” refers to ____.3. According to the author, major policy changes can only happen in ____.4. In paragraph three, the name and the dates between parentheses ____.5. The definition of Social Security wealth ____.6. Rather than wealth, this key magnitude may be construed as a liability because ____.

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Extraordinary creative activity has been characterized as revolutionary flying in the face of what is established and producing not what is acceptable but what will become accepted. According to this formulation, highly creative activity transcends the limits of an existing form and establishes a new principle of organization. However, the idea that extraordinary creativity transcends established limits is misleading when it is applied to the arts, even though valid for the science. Differences between highly creative art and highly creative science arise in part from a difference in their goal. For the sciences, a new theory is the goal and end result of the creative act. Innovative science produces new propositions in terms of which diverse phenomena can be related to one another in more coherent ways. Such phenomena as a brilliant diamond or a nesting bird are relegated to the role of data, serving as the means for formulating or testing a new theory. The goal of highly creative art is different: the phenomenon itself becomes the direct product of the creative act. Shakespeare’s Hamlet is not a tract about the behavior of indecisive princes or the uses of political power, nor is Picasso’s painting Guernica primarily a prepositional statement about the Spanish Civil War or the evils of fascism. What highly creative activity produces is not a new generalization that transcends established limits, but rather an aesthetic particular. Aesthetic particulars produced by the highly creative artists extend or exploit, rather than transcend that form.This is not to deny that a highly creative artist sometimes establishes a new principle of organization in the history of all artistic field; the composer Monteverdi who created music of the highest aesthetic value, comes to mind. More generally, however, whether or not a composition establishes a new principle in the history of music has no bearing on its aesthetic worth. Because they embody a new principle of organization, some musical works, such as the operas of the Florentine Camerata, are of signal historical importance, but few listeners or musicologists would include these among the great works of music. On the other hand, Mozart’s The Marriage of Figaro (费力罗的婚礼) is surely among the master-pieces of music even though its modest innovations are confined to extending existing means. It has been said of Beethoven that he toppled the rules and freed music from the stifling confines of convention. But a close study of his composition reveals that Beethoven overturned no fundamental rules. Rather, he was an incomparable strategist who exploited limits of the rules, forms, and conventions that he inherited from predecessors such as Haydn and Mozart, Handel and Bach, in strikingly original ways.1. According to the author, distinctions between those engaged in the creative arts and in natural sciences can in part be explained by ____.2. Why does the author suggest that the work of Beethoven was, highly creative?3. The passage implies that an original contribution in science is one that ____.4. Which of the following would most likely follow the final sentence of the passage?

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An invisible border divides those arguing for computers in the classroom on the behalf of students’ career prospects and those arguing for computers in the classroom for broader reasons of radical educational reform. Very few writers on the subject have explored this distinction—which goes to the heart of what is wrong with the campaign to put computers in the classroom.An education that aims at getting a student a certain kind of job is a technical education, justified for reasons radically different from why education is universally required by law. It is not simply to raise everyone’s job prospects that all children are legally required to attend school into their teens. Rather, we have a certain conception of the American citizen, a character who is incomplete if he cannot competently assess how his livelihood and happiness are affected by things outside of himself. But this was not always the case; before it was legally required for all children to attend school until a certain age, it was widely accepted that some were just not equipped by nature to pursue this kind of education. With optimism characteristic all industrialized countries, we came to accept that everyone is fit to be educated. Compute-education advocates forsake this optimistic notion for a pessimism that betrays their otherwise cheery outlook. Banking on the confusion between educational and vocational reasons for bringing computers into schools; computer advocates often emphasize the job prospects of graduates over their educational achievement.There are some good arguments for a technical education given the right kind of student. Many European schools introduce the concept of professional training early on in order to make sure children are properly equipped for the professions they want to join. It is, however, presumptuous to insist that there will only be so many jobs for so many scientists, so many businessmen, and so many accountants. Besides, this is unlikely to produce the needed number of every kind of professional in a country as large as ours and where the economy is spread over so many states and involves so many international corporations.But for a small group of students, professional training might be the way to go since well-developed skills, all other factors being equal, can be the difference between having a job and not. Of course, the basics of using any computer these days are very simple. It does not take a lifelong acquaintance to pick up various software programs. If one wanted to become a computer engineer, that is, of course, an entirely different story. Basic computer skills take—at the very longest—a couple of months to learn. In any case, basic computer skills are only complementary to the host of real skills that are necessary to becoming any kind of professional. It should be observed, of course, that no school, vocational or not, is helped by a confusion over its purpose.1. The author thinks the present rush to put computers in the classroom is ____.2. The belief that education is indispensable to all children ____.3. It could be inferred from the passage that in the author’s country the European model of professional training is ____.4. According to the author, basic computer skills should be ____.5. The word presumptuous in the third paragraph means ____.

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